Australia and Japan in the South Pacific island countries : a general appraisal through the concepts of structural power

This study examines several specific fields of activity of Australia and Japan in the areas of security, production, finance, development assistance, information, education and regional organization. Using the concept of structural power, it observes the sources of Australian and Japanese strenght in the region, the growing imbalance in the bilateral Australia-Japan relationship, and also the coexistence of affinities and differences in the development opportunities opened to the South Pacific Island Countries.

Treaties as tools of foreign policy : a psychopolitical inquiry via Keatings's vision for Australia

Paul Keating will be remembered by some Australians as a visionary. As Prime Minister he outlined the structure of external and domestic reform that he believed would guarantee global security for all Australians. Driving these reforms, more often than not, were interstate agreements, often in the form of multilateral treaties, sometimes in the guise of bilateral compromise, rarely as unilateral declarations. In areas as diverse as collaborative scientific research or the protection of children in the workplace, the Keating Executive set out, through codification, to transform Australia’s political landscape. The fields of trade, military, environmental and human rights were all included in the attempts by Keating to forge a new image of and for Australia in the Asia Pacific region. Treaties were vital agents of change in this milieu in the bid to reformulate regional perceptions of Australia. The path of inquiry in this thesis stemmed from a quest to examine the origin, role, purpose and efficacy of treaties in the Keating Government’s foreign policy aimed at regional military security. In order to make this examination it develops a polyphonic1 analytical model whose purpose is to explore the psychopolitical underpinnings of these agreements. Thus the thesis has a two fold task. To develop an analytical model of how treaties work as tools of foreign policy and to outline and assess the Keating treaty strategy. Its principal contribution is on the theoretical side.

Australia, New Zealand and Pacific security : a constructivist comparison

This thesis presents a comparative analysis of Australian and New Zealand foreign policy in the Pacific with particular emphasis on the Bougainville and Solomon Islands peace interventions. Through a constructivist lens, it argues that New Zealand's policies have been more effective and culturally appropriate than Australia's in recent years.

'He no doubt felt insulted': the White Australia Policy and Australia's relations with India, 1944-1964

The Government of India never publicly criticised the White Australia policy. Nonetheless it was a subject of constant reporting to New Delhi by the Indian High Commission in Canberra.  The Australian High Commission in New Delhi regularly reported criticism of the policy in the Indian press and in elite opinion.  It urged the introduction of a quota for Indian immigration to Australia, but ministers remained unwilling to modify the policy in any substantial way, in the period under study.  South Africa's apartheid policy was a far more serious problem in race relations for the Indian Government.  The existence of the White Australia policy when countries such as Canada had introduced quotas for Indian immigration, suggested an Australia mired in attitudes irrelevant to a decolonising world.  The Australian High Commissioner thought that although Nehru made no public comments on the policy, he must have felt insulted by its existence.

Miscommunication in Australia-China relations: the Stern Hu Affair

This paper explores communication and miscommunication in international business relations by studying the case of former RIO Tinto executive Stern Hu who was prosecuted for stealing trade secrets and taking bribes in kickbacks from Chinese steel firms. Using newspaper articles about the case that were published in Australia, China and other countries via Internet in either Chinese or English from July 2009 to April 2010, a series of differences in the way the Chinese and Australian protagonists were framed both in terms of relevant facts and value judgments. Apart from various obvious stereotypes, more subtle differences in the perspectives of the two nations emerge in my reading of their presses regarding the nature of trust, the role of corporations, government and how morality and business intermesh in two culturally distinct systems. Using this case, this paper illustrates the nature and types of misunderstandings that emerge over time and across locations within each cultural setting.

Governance and Religious Diversity in Australia: Multifaith relations and religious instruction in the State of Victoria

Australia, like many societies, is grappling with the reality that its population is becoming at once increasingly religiously diverse and non-religious. This is evident in a number of contentious public and policy debates, including those centred on religion and education. At the turn of the twenty-first century, and particularly after the events of 9/11, religion has featured prominently in the global media and been frequently associated with violence. This had led to the development of a number of strategies by state actors and religious communities aimed at the ‘management’ (Bouma, 1999) or ‘governance’ (Bader, 2007) of religious diversity; sometimes in partnership and, at other times, at odds with one another. The Australian state of Victoria has implemented a number of progressive policies and practices promoting positive multifaith relations and community resilience. Yet, it is still struggling with how best to oversee religious instruction and provide education about diverse religions and non-religious worldviews in government schools.

Australia and East Timor : elitism, pragmatism and the national interest

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

Inflation and economic growth : a comparative analysis of Australia and the Philippines

Investigates the effects of inflation on economic growth in Australia and the Philippines using time-series data for each country. Uses time-series quarterly data sets covering the period 1970-1995 for Australia and 1950-1994 for the Philippines. A production function approach is used. Inflation was found to have a negative and statistically significant but differing impact on growth in both countries.

Australia-Malaysia security cooperation as a pivotal component for more stable bilateral relations

In the 1980s and 1990s, Australian-Malaysian relations reached a critical juncture due to a series of crises, such as the 1986 capital punishment of convicted drug smugglers Barlow and Chambers, and the 1993 "recalcitrant" jibe by Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating. Following the election of the Howard government in 1996, relations continued to be on a roller coaster with the Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad leading anti-Australia protests over the "Howard Doctrine," the Australian leadership of the 1999 intervention in East Timor, and the "Deputy Sheriff" controversy. Despite this, defense relations between the two remained strong. The success of this cooperation rests on shared political commitment to the security of the region. This article examines the impact that positive cooperation in "high politics" has had in mitigating the negative aspects of crises in "low politics." It argues that close bilateral defense relations have worked to prevent the emergence of further critical junctures in 2012 following the collapse of the Australian-Malaysian refugee swap deal and statements by Australian politicians about Malaysia's poor treatment of asylum seekers, and in 2013 over the overt support by many Australian politicians of the opposition, especially Anwar Ibrahim, during the Malaysian general elections.

Beyond interdependence: Economic security and Sino-American-Australian trilateralism

Chinas economic and politico-military development is placing considerable strain on the established framework of the trilateral relationship between itself, the United States, and Australia. Specifically, Chinas rise is generating security concerns that are politicizing economic relations between the three states. A more guarded approach to economic collaboration will transform trilateralism, which up to now has been characterized by the scope allowed for the discrete pursuit of security and economic relations. This will force political authorities to carefully consider their policy priorities and further strain relations between the states, as well as supporting a more cautious approach to China on the part of the United States and Australia.