Conservation management and diets of Powerful Owls (Ninox strenua) in outer urban Melbourne, Australia

The Powerful Owl Ninox strenua is Australia’s largest owl, and is mainly found east of the Great Dividing Range on the mainland in tall-open forests. The species is considered rare, both nationally and in the State of Victoria; and threatened in the Greater Melbourne area. Recovery plans for the future conservation management of N. strenua are being prepared in 2 states.

Historically, Powerful Owls have been thought to require large homes ranges (about 1000 ha per pair) in suitable old-growth forest, which provides nest hollows for the owls and their arboreal marsupial prey. Recent research, however, has found N. strenua may be more numerous and breed more successfully in a wider range of habitats than previously believed. In particular, the birds have been found living in forests and woodlands within the greater metropolitan areas of cities. The most extreme case is where a nest tree has been found within 800m of urban settlement and 6km from the centre of Brisbane.

In this paper we report on the diet, habitat use, and conservation management by a number of breeding pairs of owls in outer urban Melbourne. Study sites range from a relatively undisturbed rainforest habitat 80km from central Melbourne, through dry sclerophyll, eucalyptus-dominated open forest with some disturbance to a site 8km from central Melbourne in highly disturbed urban parkland.

Diets of the families of owls were determined by analyzing remains in regurgitated pellets. The data confirm that arboreal marsupials constitute the major prey items, especially the Common Ringtail Possum Pseudocheirus peregrinus. There were differences in diets depending on the availability of prey species, which suggest a level of opportunism not previously suspected. Our study is also the first to confirm the owls capture adult Common Brushtail Possums Trichosurus vulpecula (15% of pellets containing the remains of this large opossum have bones of mature adults at 1 site) and thus take prey up to two and a half times their own weight. As well our data suggest Powerful Owls are not restricted to hollow-dwelling prey, as in some sites the marsupials rested during the day either in leafy nests called dreys (P. peregrinus) or in house roofs (T. vulpecula).

In the most heavily disturbed sites, breeding success has been reduced, and we have evidence that in one particular year the young were eaten by one of the parents. This followed construction of a bicycle track under the nest during the breeding season. Recommendations are made for the future conservation and habitat management of Powerful Owls in the Yarra Valley corridor.

Traversing theory and transgressing academic discourses : arts-based research in teacher education

Pre-service teacher education is marked by linear and sequential programming which offers a plethora of strategies and methods (Cochran-Smith & Zeichner, 2005; Darling Hammond & Bransford, 2005; Grant & Zeichner, 1997). This paper emerges from a three year study within a core education subject in preservice teacher education in Australia. This ‘practitioner’ research (Zeichner, 1999) engaged the problematics of authentic and meaningful learner-centred teaching and learning through an arts-based curriculum. Over the period of the study, two hundred and eighty pre-service teachers participated in a ‘dialogical performance’ (Conquergood, 2003) of pedagogy about curriculum and assessment through the construction of art about curriculum and assessment. The possibilities of an arts-based pedagogy in pre-service education were affirmed by the research. An enacted epistemological move by the teacher educators led to similar shifts by the students. This opened a space for the reappearance of learner through engagements with identities, positionings and agency. This was an act of ‘putting theory to work’ (Lather, 2006, 2007) and invoked transgressive practices of academic discourses.

Cultural destruction and identity politics : targeting the history of Iraq

Since its inception in 1921, a number of successive regimes have sought to politicize Iraq‟s cultural history in order to develop national identity and foster social cohesion across this rich and complex nation. Foremost among these were the Baath party, particularly under the rule of Saddam Hussein, who used much of the nation‟s Oil wealth to undergo an extensive nation-building campaign. However, identity in Iraq is far from monolithic and various factions have long resisted the state sanctioned version of “Iraqi” identity and asserted alternative histories and narratives to underpin their own identity politics. With the invasion of Iraq by Coalition forces in 2003, however, came an unprecedented era of cultural destruction. Following the devastation of the battle phase of the war, there were further attacks on Iraq‟s cultural heritage including everything from the carefully choreographed removal of the giant bronze statue of Saddam in Firdos square, through to military bases set up at sensitive archaeological sites such as the ancient city of Babylon. In addition, Iraqi civilians targeted the cultural history of their nation with wanton looting and arson, as well as systematic attacks on sites of archaeological or ethno-religious significance. More recently, the Shia and Kurdish dominated Iraqi Government have organised the “Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era” and drew up plans to purge the state of its Sunni dominated past.

This paper argues that the unprecedented scale and magnitude of the destruction of Iraq‟s cultural history has played a part in eroding the various intersecting and overlapping versions of identity politics in Iraq. In turn, this has provided fertile ground for terrorists and sectarians to plant the seeds of their own narrow and deadly ideologies. This has brought about the rise of ethno-religious based violence and seen a series of bloody and protracted conflicts emerge between previously peaceful and compatible factions. In this way, Iraq serves as a powerful case study in furthering academic discussion on the complex inter-relationships between cultural and historical destruction and identity politics, sectarianism, violence and democracy.

A pilot randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled study of granisetron in the treatment of sexual dysfunction in women associated with antidepressant use

A pilot study was conducted to evaluate the usefulness of granisetron for the treatment of antidepressant induced sexual dysfunction in women. Twelve women with antidepressant induced sexual dysfunction (AISD) were assigned granisetron (n=5) or placebo (n=7) in a 14-day randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled study. One participant in the granisetron group did not complete the study. Participants were assessed at baseline, day 7 and day 14 using the Feiger Sexual Function and Satisfaction Questionnaire and the Arizona Sexual Experience Scale. No statistical differences were measured at baseline or at endpoint between the granisetron or placebo group. This study did not produce evidence supporting the usefulness of granisetron in AISD.

The effect of guessing vocabulary in reading authentic texts among pre-university students

The omnibus question proposed here is to pinpoint the impact of a contextual guessing strategy (CGS) on vocabulary and reading authentic texts at the pre-university level. One hundred male and female students were randomly selected and assigned to ‘context’ and ‘non-context’ groups. The context group received a CGS instruction to infer the meaning of low-frequency words while the non-context participants were treated by a direct method. The results revealed that CGS instruction was more effective vis-à-vis direct vocabulary instruction in all particulars, and was more effective than the non-context method in improving reading. The tentative estimation would be that some of the assumptions about the futility of teaching contextual clues should be rigorously re-examined and that CGS can account for a substantial proportion of vocabulary growth during the school years.

The Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions : protests and public power in post-Saddam Iraq

Since the democratic elections held across Iraq in 2005 and 2010 much attention has understandably been paid to the new Iraqi government. Unfortunately, it has become increasingly clear that much of Iraq’s political elite are practising the type of governance referred to in the literature on other Arab states alternatively as ‘liberalised autocracy’ (Brumberg, 2002), ‘semi-authoritarianism’ (Ottaway, 2003) or ‘pluralised authoritarianism’ (Posusney & Angrist, 2005). That is to say, that the Iraqi government actually utilises (and controls) nominally democratic mechanisms such as elections, media freedoms, political opposition and civil society as part of their strategy to retain power. This is perhaps best demonstrated via the nine month political stalemate that followed the March 2010 elections and PM Maliki’s refusal to step down despite having narrowly lost the election. Not surprisingly, the Iraqi people have become increasingly disillusioned and critical of their political leaders – hence the mass protests that have swept across Iraq in the context of the popular Arab Revolutions of 2010-11.

However, these latest Iraqi protests are only the most recent and overt sign of the hidden geographies that are agitating towards democracy in this deeply troubled and increasingly authoritarian state. Since the invasion of 2003, a complex array of political, religious and ethno-sectarian factions have formed civil society movements; uncensored news has been consumed across the nation; ordinary citizens have taken to the streets to protest key government decisions; and various local councils have been formed, deliberating on key decisions facing their immediate communities (Davis, 2004, 2007). Given this context, this chapter focuses on the specific case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), Iraq’s largest and most powerful independent workers union. The IFOU has repeatedly taken the Iraqi government to task over their poor pay and the dangerous nature of their work, as well as the government’s initial kowtowing to US plans to privatise the entire Iraqi oil sector. To do this, the IFOU have utilised a variety of very democratic mechanisms including peaceful strikes and protests, media campaigns and political lobbying. Such moves have met with mixed results in Baghdad – at times the central government has pandered to the requests of IFOU, but it has also gone as far as issuing arrest warrants for its senior members. The IFOU therefore serve as an interesting example of public power in Iraq and may well pose one of the greatest challenges to rising authoritarianism there.