'Looking for allies': Gilles Deleuze as critical theorist

This volume attempts to renew and reinvigorate critical theory by extending its range and its intellectual trajectories through strategies of inclusiveness that respect and build on parallel traditions.

Permophricodothyris pavlova, 1965 (Brachiopoda, Spiriferida) from the Permian of South China: its morphology, biostratigraphy and distribution

A study of both silicified and nonsilicified specimens of Permian reticularioid brachiopods from South China suggests that Permophricodothyris, a genus previously rarely reported from China, is actually very common and abundant in the Middle and especially Upper Permian of South China. This study also clarifies, for the first time, that many of the reticularioid brachiopod species previously described as Squamularia in fact belong to Permophricodothyris. The new data presented in this paper also allows a critical evaluation of Permophricodothyris in relation to its closest allies: Phricodothyris, Squamularia, Bullarina and Neophricodothyris. The revision reveals that a total of 18 Permophricodothyris species are present in the Middle and Upper Permian of South China, with only one species, P. squamularioides, having survived the Permian-Triassic mass extinction. Two species, P. grandis (Chao) and P. guangxiensis Han, Zhou & Wang, are redescribed here, providing critical new information on the morphology and taxonomy of these species.

(Re)Constructing Men`s Interests

Do men have too much to lose to be reliable allies with women in challenging patriarchy? This article addresses this question by exploring feminist views about the “man question” and reflecting on a dialogue in a pro-feminist electronic discussion group about whether it is men’s interests to change. It challenges the viewthat men, as individuals, have objective interests that arise as a consequence of being men in a patriarchal
society and argues that while men may construct interests toward their own material well being, they may also construct ideal interests that are formed by support for more abstract principles. It is thus suggested that men formulate a sense of having particular interests and that they behave on the basis of this formulation. The implications of this view for reconstructing men’s interests toward support for feminism are discussed.

Herbert Spencer in the suburbs? Class, politics, ideology and the Australian petty-bourgeoisie in the Howard years

A dominant trope of media commentary after the 2004 federal election was the rise of blue-collar self-employment and small business and its negative impact on Labor electoral support. In this paper I examine the evidence on the growth of self-employment and small business in Australia since the 1980s and the political consequences of this growth. I consider why the growth of self-employment and small business has been overstated by many observers, and the emergence of a right-wing anti-capitalism in the critique of the dependence of wage-labour. Although the growth of self-employment and small business has been overstated it is a real phenomenon. I extract the rational kernel from the largely ill-informed commentary on this issue and place contemporary debates about self-employment in a historical and global context. I consider why the self-employed and small business were once seen as natural allies of the working-class in a populist coalition but why they are now identified by commentators as hostile to class politics.

Rogue en vogue : North Korea and the war on terror

North Korea occupies a unique place in the thinking of US policymakers insofar as it represents both a direct, physical threat and also a reminder of the limits to American power. In numerous ways, North Korea is anathema to the US: it has fulsomely rejected America’s systems of political–economic organisation, its gradual rapproachment with South Korea threatens to undermine the rationale for America’s military presence in Northeast Asia, and its possession of nuclear weapons threatens the safety of the US and its allies. For these reasons, and despite its lowly standing in the international political system, North Korea continues to severely frustrate the superpower’s interests and thus represents an existential threat to the US.

Employer matters in 2007

The year 2007 may well be remembered as one being short on major industrial disputation, yet one where industrial relations itself dominated public discussion and political life of the country like no other time in Australia's history. It was a year dominated by the electoral cycle, with both organized labour as well as major employers playing their cards very carefully, lest they provide political ammunition to their political and industrial opponents. Thanks largely to the effectiveness of the union movement's anti Work Choices campaign, major employer groups and their political allies the Howard government found themselves fighting a rearguard, and ultimately losing, battle, valiantly trying to defend the Work Choices regime. At year's end, the Liberal government had lost office, Prime Minister John Howard had lost his own seat in Parliament, and the Rudd Labor Government had been swept to power with a clear mandate to dismantle the Work Choices regime. Yet despite this conclusion to a year dominated by debate over industrial relations, it seems that employers had nevertheless lobbied Labor party leaders successfully enough to secure the continuation of many key components of the former Howard government's industrial relations regime.

Political Islam and human security

Summary: "In the wake of the September 11 and subsequent terrorist attacks, the academic and media commentaries on Islam the religion and Islam the basis for political ideology haves received an unprecedented high level of exposure and attention. The acts of political violence by extremist groups and the omnipresent war on terror have added fresh uncertainties to an already complex global order. Just as terrorism and counter-terrorism are locked in a mutually re-enforcing symbiosis, the sense of insecurity felt by Muslims and non-Muslims alike is mutually dependent and has the potential to escalate. This general assessment holds true for Muslims living in the Muslim world and beyond. The pervasive sense of being under attack physically and culturally by the United States and its allies has contributed to a growing unease among Muslims and re-enforced deep-seated mistrust of the ʻWestʼ. Public articulation of such misgivings has in turn, lent credence to Western observers who posit an inherent antipathy between the West and the Muslim world. The subsequent policies that have emerged in this context of fear and mutual distrust have contributed to the vicious cycle of insecurity. The present volume is anchored in the current debates on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and certain West countries. It brings together leading international scholars in this interdisciplinary field to deal with such inter-related questions as the nature of Islamism, the impact of the ʻwar on terrorʼ on the spread of militancy, the growing sense of being under siege by Muslim Diasporas and the many unintended ramifications of a security-minded world order. This volume deliberately focuses on these issues both at a broad theoretical level but more importantly in the form of a number of prominent case studies including Indonesia, Algeria and Turkey."--Publisher description.

Reinventing liberatory practice : how do we work with groups of which we are not a part?

The research that informed this paper asked: how can we work as allies of groups of which we are not a part? This question is particularly focused on work with people who have experienced colonisation by those who are aligned (by race, class, gender, culture or position) with the colonisers or oppressors. The research brings together literature in the fields of community work, adult education, and feminist and postcolonial theory, with Indigenous viewpoints and experience. An analysis of Indigenous viewpoints identified a range of key ideas about achieving social change.

These ideas are developed into several frameworks, two of which will be discussed here. The first framework offers a way of conceptualising work against oppression and proposes that it must involve a focus on fostering emancipatory agency. Emancipatory agency involves the capacity to know and to act towards social justice ends via meaning making which follows ethical criteria. An ethics of meaning making is proposed which includes a focus on: multiplicity and difference; the partial nature of all knowings; the context / situatedness of meaning; and the critical / reflective attitude in meaning making. This type of agency is dependent on the process of transformative dialogue which is inherently communal and is based on four micro processes: affirming the O/other; encountering, exploring and experiencing of multiple and partial views; moving between positions of self and others; and enacting meaning into the world. A second framework operationalises these ideas in the field of community development, and offers a method of practice.

The end game in Afghanistan : Pakistan’s critical role

In the lead up to 2014, when the Coalition forces will be leaving Afghanistan, Pakistan will have a crucial role to play, not only in the negotiations but also in its relationship with the Afghan Taliban groups hiding in Pakistan. Indeed, there are historical, ethnic, operational and strategic reasons why Pakistan should have a seat at the negotiating table. Pakistan will want to make sure that its Taliban allies get a fair deal in the final outcome. While this may appear to be a good outcome for Islamabad in the medium term, it may not be good for Pakistan’s long-term stability.

Down under and in between : Australian security perspectives in the 'Asian Century'

This chapter will provide an overview of Australian perspectives on the US alliance in light of ongoing and emerging challenges in the Asia-Pacific region. After a brief discussion of the motivations behind the signing of the ANZUS treaty, the first part of the chapter examines the historical context of the alliance, with a particular focus on the longstanding and ongoing tussle in Australia between independence in foreign policy making vis-à-vis broader structural constraints. While this debate has been a constant feature of the political scene in Australia, it has come into particular focus since the US withdrawal from Vietnam, which marked a turning point in Australian perspectives with regard to its own role in Asia. The collision of ideas surrounding Australian identity and Australian national interest has been reflected in policy approaches as successive governments have sought to strike a balance between the two exigencies and thus, most optimally ensure Australia’s strategic future. The chapter concludes by examining current perspectives through the lens of an ongoing debate taking place in Australian academic circles about what the rise of China means for Australia and its commitment to the US alliance, and considers options for caucus-style cooperation with fellow US allies beyond the hub-and-spokes model.

Political Islam and human security

In the wake of the September 11 and subsequent terrorist attacks, the academic and media commentaries on Islam the religion and Islam the basis for political ideology haves received an unprecedented high level of exposure and attention. The acts of political violence by extremist groups and the omnipresent war on terror have added fresh uncertainties to an already complex global order. Just as terrorism and counter-terrorism are locked in a mutually re-enforcing symbiosis, the sense of insecurity felt by Muslims and non-Muslims alike is mutually dependent and has the potential to escalate. This general assessment holds true for Muslims living in the Muslim world and beyond. The pervasive sense of being under attack physically and culturally by the United States and its allies has contributed to a growing unease among Muslims and re-enforced deep-seated mistrust of the ‘West’. Public articulation of such misgivings has in turn, lent credence to Western observers who posit an inherent antipathy between the West and the Muslim world. The subsequent policies that have emerged in this context of fear and mutual distrust have contributed to the vicious cycle of insecurity.

Community‐based reconciliation in the Middle East

IntroductionWith the turn of the twenty first century, the Middle East has witnessed an unprecedented turmoil since the post‐colonisation era. The occupation of Iraq by the United States and its allies has triggered internal tensions and violence in Iraq that swept across the region. The US propagated establishing a pro‐western, functional, representative democratic system in Iraq that was expected to be a model for other countries in the region towards democratisation and economic growth. Since 2011, Some Arab states embraced democratic and political changes and, simultaneously, encountered some socio‐political unrest brought by the “Arab Spring”. Various strata of conflict can be recognised in this context driven by political, ideological and sectarian agenda; or, driven by mere struggle for freedom and against repression and dictatorship. Regardless of the trigger of strives, it is obvious that reconciliation and conflict management in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Egypt and other countries in conflict is still an issue. Yet, the concept of community‐based reconciliation in the Arab World is still nuanced. The social ties in Arab societies are strong. Some of these ties are significantly noted to be recognised in kinship of various familial hierarchies: nucleus family, extended family and tribes. This paper will discuss whether familial affiliations can contribute to community‐based reconciliation in the Middle Eastern Arab countries.

HOSPEX in the antipodes

The Australian Army recently adopted the British concept of hospital exercise (HOSPEX) as a means of evaluating the capabilities of its deployable NATO Role 2E hospital, the 2nd General Health Battalion. The Australian approach to HOSPEX differs from the original UK model. This article describes the reasons why the Australian Army needed to adopt the HOSPEX concept, how it was adapted to suit local circumstances and how the concept may evolve to meet the needs of the wider Australian Defence Force and our allies.