111 resultados para Communication and power
Resumo:
G20 outreach processes, in the form of the Think 20, Labour 20, Business 20, and Civil 20, Youth 20, and Women 20, are a formal attempt by G20 leaders to engage various social sectors with G20 policymaking. This essay contends that G20 outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks, which are involved in widening the field of policy communication and deliberation. The importance of these transnational policy networks rest upon their role in developing and disseminating G20 policy priorities and principles; and are an attempt to enhance the legitimacy and influence of the G20 and its policy proposals.
"We agree that, in order to strengthen its ability to build and sustain the political consensus needed to respond to challenges, the G20 must remain efficient, transparent and accountable. To achieve this, we decide to … pursue consistent and effective engagement with non-members, regional and international organisations, including the United Nations, and other actors, and we welcome their contribution to our work as appropriate. We also encourage engagement with civil society.G20 Cannes Summit Final Declaration 2011 (G20 2011)"
The difficulty in balancing the effectiveness and representativeness of the Group of Twenty (G20) has led to sustained questions about its legitimacy (Cooper 2010; Rudd 2011; Cooper and Pouliot 2015). Consequently, while leaders have long sought external advice about the agendas of Group of Seven (G7) summits since 1975, and about the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors’ meetings (G20 FM/CBG) since 1999, there has been intensification, elaboration, and institutionalization of transnational networks of policymakers with respect to the G20 in recent years. These networks are especially evident in the form of the G20 working groups and G20 outreach processes involved in the G20 FM/CBG and the G20 leaders’ forum created in 2008.
G20 working groups include transgovernmental groups of government officials and outside experts within a specific policy area who are charged with preparing material for G20 deliberations. G20 outreach processes are a recent and more formal attempt by G20 leaders to engage various social sectors with the policymaking activity of the G20 and were first considered by the G20 membership in 2010 with a more formal engagement with business interests. This led to the formal development of G20 outreach groups in 2013 in the form of the Think 20 (think tanks), Labour 20, Business 20, Civil 20 and Youth 20, which include representatives from these sectors. In 2015, a Women 20 outreach group was also added. These outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks which have been built to support the G20’s capacity to be effective and legitimate.
This essay focuses on G20 outreach processes and examines why and how the G20 has sought to augment its intergovernmental summitry and transgovernmental working groups with transnational policy networks, purposely involving a range of societal interests. Transnational policy networks demonstrate the existence of policymaking practices which include the policy influence of experts and advocates outside government. These networks also indicate the ways in which governments, International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) and summits like the G20 engage society, or where elements of society engage themselves with the policymaking process (Stone 2008). These networks intersect with the intergovernmental activities of leaders and key diplomats, and overlap with the transgovernmental relationships of various levels of government bureaucrats (Baker 2009). One of the principle features of transnational policy networks is the way they create and channel the communication of political ideas and priorities. However, it is important to keep in the mind the purpose and power of actors involved in the network and consider who has the discretion and motivation to create the network in the first instance. As the G20 members stated in 2012, the aspiration for outreach is founded upon an intent to strengthen the G20’s capacity “to build and sustain the political consensus”. Consequently, it is important to consider how the development of transnational policy networks in the form of G20 outreach processes are able to sustain the effectiveness and legitimacy of the G20.
This essay contends that G20 outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks. These networks have been built to widen the field of policy communication and deliberation. Furthermore, these outreach processes and networks are an attempt to enhance the legitimacy and influence of the G20 and its policy proposals. While there is no doubt that outreach practices are “ad hoc responses to the widespread charge that the G20 reproduces the politics of exclusion in global governance” (Cooper and Pouliot 2015, 347), these practices have the potential to improve both the effectiveness and legitimacy of the G20. The G20 possesses uncertain legitimacy and members of the G20 demonstrate an awareness of this and a corresponding willingness to actively develop various political practices to support the capacity and legitimacy of the G20.
However, G20 outreach also enables the G20 to place some limit upon the policy narratives and ideas that develop within these policy networks. The G20 is liable to be misunderstood without examining the activity of these transnational networks because the G20 is fundamentally a deliberative policy forum rather than a negotiating forum of binding regulations. Transnational policy networks have the potential to scrutinize and amplify relevant policy ideas and thereby enhance the legitimacy of the G20 and strengthen the capacity of the G20 to address an array of global economic and social problems. However, while some narrative control is important to amplify the G20 agenda, too much narrative control will undermine its legitimacy and capacity to develop broad-based responses to global problems. This essay explores the formation of these transnational policy networks by first outlining the evolution of the purpose and configuration of the G20, then it considers the ways G20 outreach processes constitute transnational policy networks and why they have been established, and lastly, analyses how these networks operate to enhance the legitimacy and effectiveness of the G20.
Resumo:
Much scholarship laments a decline in civic participation and community social capital in a changing media world. But the concept of “civicness” remains important to functioning societies across the globe. This research borrows from the cultural turn in studies of media, communication and citizenship to examine civic as culture, anchored in the practices and symbolic milieu of everyday life. As its theoretical entry point, this research paper positions civic as virtue. Drawing on scholars from Aristotle to Pierre Bourdieu, civic virtue may be understood as a perceived moral obligation to serve the common good, especially the interests of a “community” in which individuals and/or groups are connected. In particular, the research extends Bourdieu's ideas to consider news media as a powerful institution alongside the state that may claim monopoly over the manipulation of civic virtue under certain social conditions. Civic virtue offers much in discussions about media power in the digital age and its relationship to the future viability and legitimacy of news media. The research draws on exemplars from a study into digitally mediated civic participation in a rural/regional Australian context to position certain local media as “keepers” and “conferrers” of civic virtue in the social settings they serve.
Resumo:
This paper explores issues of school autonomy within the context of the performative demands of the audit culture. The focus is on a case study of Clementine Academy, a large and highly diverse English secondary school. Specific situated, professional, material and external factors at the school were significant in shaping Clementine’s response to and take-up of the policy of academisation (a key reform within broader government mandates to create an increasingly autonomised education system). Factors such as the school’s intake and history, its ethos and values, its access to human and economic resources and its status and power as an outstanding school supported its confident and ‘morally’ focused take-up of this policy. Clementine’s privileged position in relation to these factors enabled the school to mediate and challenge some of the negative effects of the audit culture. This paper highlights the significance of considering these contextual factors in understanding the different ways in which schools are currently engaging their autonomy to cope with the demands of the audit culture.
Resumo:
AIM: To examine the frequency of regular complementary and alternative therapy (CAM) use in three Australian cohorts of contrasting care setting and geography, and identify independent attitudinal and psychological predictors of CAM use across all cohorts. METHODS: A cross sectional questionnaire was administered to inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) patients in 3 separate cohorts which differed by geographical region and care setting. Demographics and frequency of regular CAM use were assessed, along with attitudes towards IBD medication and psychological parameters such as anxiety, depression, personality traits and quality of life (QOL), and compared across cohorts. Independent attitudinal and psychological predictors of CAM use were determined using binary logistic regression analysis. RESULTS: In 473 respondents (mean age 50.3 years, 60.2% female) regular CAM use was reported by 45.4%, and did not vary between cohorts. Only 54.1% of users disclosed CAM use to their doctor. Independent predictors of CAM use which confirm those reported previously were: covert conventional medication dose reduction (P < 0.001), seeking psychological treatment (P < 0.001), adverse effects of conventional medication (P = 0.043), and higher QOL (P < 0.001). Newly identified predictors were CAM use by family or friends (P < 0.001), dissatisfaction with patient-doctor communication (P < 0.001), and lower depression scores (P < 0.001). CONCLUSION: In addition to previously identified predictors of CAM use, these data show that physician attention to communication and the patient-doctor relationship is important as these factors influence CAM use. Patient reluctance to discuss CAM with physicians may promote greater reliance on social contacts to influence CAM decisions.
Resumo:
Wireless body area networks (WBANs), as a promising health-care system, can provide tremendous benefits for timely and continuous patient care and remote health monitoring. Owing to the restriction of communication, computation and power in WBANs, cloud-assisted WBANs, which offer more reliable, intelligent, and timely health-care services for mobile users and patients, are receiving increasing attention. However, how to aggregate the health data multifunctionally and efficiently is still an open issue to the cloud server (CS). In this paper, we propose a privacy-preserving and multifunctional health data aggregation (PPM-HDA) mechanism with fault tolerance for cloud-assisted WBANs. With PPM-HDA, the CS can compute multiple statistical functions of users' health data in a privacy-preserving way to offer various services. In particular, we first propose a multifunctional health data additive aggregation scheme (MHDA+) to support additive aggregate functions, such as average and variance. Then, we put forward MHDA⊕ as an extension of MHDA+ to support nonadditive aggregations, such as min/max, median, percentile, and histogram. The PPM-HDA can resist differential attacks, which most existing data aggregation schemes suffer from. The security analysis shows that the PPM-HDA can protect users' privacy against many threats. Performance evaluations illustrate that the computational overhead of MHDA+ is significantly reduced with the assistance of CSs. Our MHDA⊕ scheme is more efficient than previously reported min/max aggregation schemes in terms of communication overhead when the applications require large plaintext space and highly accurate data.
Resumo:
This paper proposes a novel operation and control strategy for a renewable hybrid power system for a standalone operation. The proposed hybrid system consists of a wind turbine, a fuel cell, an electrolyzer, a battery storage unit, and a set of loads. The overall control strategy is based on a two-level structure. The top level is the energy management and power regulation system. Depending on wind and load conditions, this system generates reference dynamic operating points to low level individual subsystems. The energy management and power regulation system also controls the load scheduling operation during unfavorable wind conditions under inadequate energy storage in order to avoid a system blackout. Based on the reference dynamic operating points of the individual subsystems, the local controllers control the wind turbine, fuel cell, electrolyzer, and battery storage units. The proposed control system is implemented in MATLAB Simpower software and tested for various wind and load conditions. Results are presented and discussed.