132 resultados para sexism in politics


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How might one approach cultural politics in the English classroom? What might the role of the class text be in these discussions? This article is a snapshot of the author's journey from a pre-service English teacher to her most recent experiences of English teaching. Her pre- service pedagogy indicated a 'minimization' of the role of the text in unpacking cultural politics; the text itself was overshadowed by the important points the teacher was making about critiquing the way the world is socially, culturally and politically organised. In her beginning teaching year, the author was in a remote rural school where she encountered attitudes to hegemonic masculinity and heterosexuality which she felt she did not deal appropriately with. She now believes that more emphasis on how the features of the text itself work to create meaning and construct identities is needed. She recognises the importance of close textual analysis as a way toward engaging in culturally political conversations about constructions of gender and sexuality in media and non-media texts. If she were to have her beginning teaching years over again, she would probably collate a series of contrasting representations of masculinity and femininity from a variety of sources, including popular culture. She would then develop activities based around undertaking textual analysis of the constructions of gender and sexuality, and ask students to identify the different elements in the texts that create meaning, and compare similarities and differences between texts.

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How are classroom relations influenced by the language that teachers use and the stories they tell about their students? Just Schooling is an exercise in the cultural politics of teaching. It invites teachers and interested others to rethink what they know about social justice and to rework how they engage in the practices of teaching (what they say and do), particularly in relation to how these influence the lives of students. Informed by a recognitive view of social justice, Just Schooling analyses the various discourses and ideologies mobilized in classrooms that implicitly and explicitly determine what is understood by (i) the nature and centrality of language, (ii) the purposes and meaning of education, and (iii) the diversity of students, particularly with respect to their gender, race and social class but also their learning dis/abilities. Throughout, the authors argue for a democratization of classroom relations, beginning with students' and teachers' personal lives and connecting these with wider contexts, as a way of addressing the advantages and disadvantages traditionally reproduced by schooling.

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Computerised ID scanning technologies have permeated many urban night-time economies in Australia, the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom. This paper documents how one media organisation’s overt and tacit approval of ID scanners helped to normalise this form of surveillance as a precondition of entry into most licensed venues in the Australian city of Geelong. After outlining how processes of governance “from above” and “from below” interweave to generate distinct political and media demands for strategies to prevent localised crime problems, a chronological reconstruction of media reports over a three-and-a half year period demonstrates how ID scanning became the centrepiece of a holistic reform strategy to combat alcohol-related violence in this nightclub precinct. Several discursive techniques helped to normalise this “technological fix”, while suppressing critical discussion of viable concerns over information privacy, data security and system networking. These
included pairing reports of an initial “signal crime” with examples of “virtual victimhood” to stress the urgency of a radical surveillance-based response, which was supported by anecdotal statements from key “primary definers” highlighting the success of this initiative in targeting a wider population of antisocial “others”. The implications of these reporting practices are discussed in light of the media’s central role in reforming the Geelong night-time economy and broader trends in using novel surveillance technologies to combat urban crime problems at the expense of alternative measures that protect individual liberty.

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Review of Amanda E. Wooden & Christoph H. Stefes (eds), The Politics of Transition in Central Asia and the Caucasus: Enduring Legacies and Emerging Challenges. Central Asian Studies. London & New York: Routledge, 2009, xviþ268 pp., £80.00 h/b.

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This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the ‘West’ has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy.

Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book will be useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.

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This research discerned and analysed the politics of non-Indigenous solidarity with Indigenous struggles in southeast Australia, producing a valuable resource for present and future generations of non-Indigenous activists. The research responds to Indigenous people’s challenges and attempts to draw non-Indigenous people into consideration of self-understanding, interests and complicity.

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How is the rise of China perceived in the West? Why is it often labelled as ‘threat’ and/or ‘opportunity’? What are the implications of these China imageries for global politics?

Taking up these important questions, this ground-breaking book argues that the dominant Western perceptions of China’s rise tell us less about China and more about Western self-imagination and its desire for certainty. Chengxin Pan expertly illustrates how this desire, masked as China ‘knowledge’, is bound up with the political economy of fears and fantasies, thereby both informing and complicating foreign policy practice in Sino-Western relations. Insofar as this vital relationship is shaped not only by China’s rise, but also by the way we conceptualise its rise, this book makes a compelling case for critical reflection on China watching.

Knowledge, Desire and Power in Global Politics is the first systematic and deconstructive analysis of contemporary Western representation of China’s rise. Setting itself apart from the mainstream empiricist literature, its critical interpretative approach and unconventional and innovative perspective will not only strongly appeal to academics, students and the broader reading public, but also likely spark debate in the field of Chinese international relations.