192 resultados para Sociospatial inequalities


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This paper argues that social justice is central to the pursuit of education and therefore should also be central to the practice of educational administration. Social justice in education, as elsewhere, demands both distributive justice (which remedies undeserved inequalities) and recognitional justice (which treats cultural differences with understanding and respect). But, given that cultures are always in the process of change, education is a key agency for negotiating cultural change through the exploration and negotiation of difference. Educational administration as a field can no longer escape the consideration of such issues as they are brought to the fore by the recognition of the failure of schools and school systems to ameliorate injustice in the distribution of resources and to recognise and celebrate difference as a means to social and cultural progress. We still need a model of educational administration centered around the problem of the justice and fairness of social and educational arrangements. Given the renewed interest in such issues, perhaps what was impossible twenty five years ago might now be achieved.

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Community Water Fluoridation (CWF) is the adjustment of fluoride concentration in community drinking water to a level that confers optimal protection from dental caries (Truman et al 2002). It is supported by many authorities as the single most effective public health measure for reducing dental caries (DHS 2007). It has consistently been shown to be effective in reducing the prevalence and severity of dental caries in populations following its introduction (NHMRC 1999). The most dramatic reductions (50-60%) were demonstrated in the earlier studies although more recent research has still shown reductions of between 30 and 50% (Truman et al 2002). Despite the strong scientific evidence for its beneficial effects and safety the issue of the appropriateness of CWF is often the focus of public debate. Proponents argue that it reduces dental caries. is safe and cost effective. and that it provides significant benefits to all social classes (Slade et al 1995: Slade et a 1996: Spencer et al 1996). Opponents question its efficacy and safety and argue that its addition to community water supplies is unethical mass medication (Colquhoun 1990: Diesendorf 1986: Diesendorf et al 1997).

More recently, however, there have been important questions raised regarding the continuing benefit of CWF over and above that produced by the widespread use of other sources of fluoride (toothpaste. mouth rinses. varnish and other professionally applied fluorides). Generally, dental caries has declined steeply in the last thirty years and many have observed that dental caries has also reduced in parts of Australia and other countries where there has never been CWF or where it has ceased. It has been suggested that because of the current low population levels of dental caries and the increase in alternate sources of fluoride, CWF no longer offers the benefits it may have in the past. Given this notion, together with the concerns of a minority subgroup of the population regarding the safety of CWF, it is valuable to examine current evidence to answer the question: Is there still a role for CWF in Australia?

This paper will firstly examine the history of water fluoridation and its mechanisms of action. Secondly. trends in dental decay experience over the last three decades with particular emphasis on social and geographical inequities in Australia will be described. We also review the current state of scientific evidence for the benefits of CWF including the contribution it makes to the reduction of oral health inequalities. In light of this we will provide a response to the question posed above.

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Background:
Be Active Eat Well (BAEW) was a multifaceted community capacity-building program promoting healthy eating and physical activity for children (aged 4–12 years) in the Australian town of Colac.
Objective:
To evaluate the effects of BAEW on reducing children's unhealthy weight gain.
Methods:
BAEW had a quasi-experimental, longitudinal design with anthropometric and demographic data collected on Colac children in four preschools and six primary schools at baseline (2003, n=1001, response rate: 58%) and follow-up (2006, n=839, follow-up rate: 84%). The comparison sample was a stratified random selection of preschools (n=4) and primary schools (n=12) from the rest of the Barwon South Western region of Victoria, with baseline assessment in 2003–2004 (n=1183, response rate: 44%) and follow-up in 2006 (n=979, follow-up rate: 83%).
Results:
Colac children had significantly lower increases in body weight (mean: -0.92 kg, 95% CI: -1.74 to -0.11), waist (-3.14 cm, -5.07 to -1.22), waist/height (-0.02, -0.03 to -0.004), and body mass index z-score (-0.11, -0.21 to -0.01) than comparison children, adjusted for baseline variable, age, height, gender, duration between measurements and clustering by school. In Colac, the anthropometric changes were not related to four indicators of socioeconomic status (SES), whereas in the comparison group 19/20 such analyses showed significantly greater gains in anthropometry in children from lower SES families. Changes in underweight and attempted weight loss were no different between the groups.
Conclusions:
Building community capacity to promote healthy eating and physical activity appears to be a safe and effective way to reduce unhealthy weight gain in children without increasing health inequalities.

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The commercial drivers of the obesity epidemic are so influential that obesity can be considered a robust sign of commercial success – consumers are buying more food, more cars and more energy-saving machines. It is unlikely that these powerful economic forces will change sufficiently in response to consumer desires to eat less and move more or corporate desires to be more socially responsible. When the free market creates substantial population detriments and health inequalities, government policies are needed to change the ground rules in favour of population benefits.
Concerted action is needed from governments in four broad areas: provide leadership to set the agenda and show the way; advocate for a multi-sector response and establish the mechanisms for all sectors to engage and enhance action; develop and implement policies (including laws and regulations) to create healthier food and activity environments, and; secure increased and continued funding to reduce obesogenic environments and promote healthy eating and physical activity.
Policies, laws and regulations are often needed to drive the environmental and social changes that, eventually, will have a sustainable impact on reducing obesity. An 'obesity impact assessment' on legislation such as public liability, urban planning, transport, food safety, agriculture, and trade may identify 'rules' which contribute to obesogenic environments. In other areas, such as marketing to children, school food, and taxes/levies, there may be opportunities for regulations to actively support obesity prevention. Legislation in other areas such as to reduce climate change may also contribute to obesity prevention ('stealth interventions'). A political willingness to use policy instruments to drive change will probably be an early hallmark of successful obesity prevention.

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Objectives : To test the contribution of perceived environmental factors (food availability, accessibility and affordability) to mediating socioeconomic variations in women’s fruit, vegetable and fast food consumption.

Methods : A community sample of 1580 women from 45 neighbourhoods provided survey data on their socioeconomic position (SEP) (education and income); diet (fruit, vegetable and fast food consumption); and the perceived availability of, access to and cost of healthy food in their local area.

Results : Once perceived environmental variables were considered, the associations between SEP and diet were weak and non-significant, suggesting that socioeconomic differences in diet were almost wholly explained by perceptions of food availability, accessibility and affordability.

Conclusions : Strategies to decrease socioeconomic inequalities in diet could involve promoting inexpensive ways to increase fruit and vegetable consumption, and ensuring that people of low SEP are aware that many healthy foods are available at relatively low cost. Future research should also confirm if perceptions match objective measures of food availability, accessibility and affordability, in order to address the real and/or perceived lack of healthy options in low SEP neighbourhoods.

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Objective: To determine whether nutrition interventions widen dietary inequalities across socioeconomic status groups.

Design: Systematic review of interventions that aim to promote healthy eating.

Data sources: CINAHL and MEDLINE were searched between 1990 and 2007.

Review methods: Studies were included if they were randomised controlled trials or concurrent controlled trials of interventions to promote healthy eating delivered at a group level to low socioeconomic status groups or studies where it was possible to disaggregate data by socioeconomic status.

Results: Six studies met the inclusion criteria. Four were set in educational setting (three elementary schools, one vocational training). The first found greater increases in fruit and vegetable consumption in children from high-income families after 1 year (mean difference 2.4 portions per day, p<0.0001) than in children in low-income families (mean difference 1.3 portions per day, p<0.0003). The second did not report effect sizes but reported the nutrition intervention to be less effective in disadvantaged areas (p<0.01). The third found that 24-h fruit juice and vegetable consumption increased more in children born outside the Netherlands ("non-native") after a nutrition intervention (beta coefficient = 1.30, p<0.01) than in "native" children (beta coefficient = 0.24, p<0.05). The vocational training study found that the group with better educated participants achieved 34% of dietary goals compared with the group who had more non-US born and non-English speakers, which achieved 60% of dietary goals. Two studies were conducted in primary care settings. The first found that, as a result of the intervention, the difference in consumption of added fat between the intervention and the control group was –8.9 g/day for blacks and –12.0 g/day for whites (p<0.05). In the second study, there was greater attrition among the ethnic minority participants than among the white participants (p<0.04).

Conclusions: Nutrition interventions have differential effects by socioeconomic status, although in this review we found only limited evidence that nutrition interventions widen dietary inequalities. Due to small numbers of included studies, the possibility that nutrition interventions widen inequalities cannot be excluded. This needs to be considered when formulating public health policy.

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This chapter begins by exploring the concept of primary health care (PHC), linking this to relevant international and national policy documents, and introducing the concept of PHC developed by the World Health Organization. The chapter then focuses on the UK. It explains how PHC is not just found within the NHS, reviews the different sectors involved in PHC, and then discusses the current structure of PHC in the NHS. Key concepts, including the primary health care team, primary care trusts and integrated heath and social care trusts, and the relevant current UK policy documents are introduced.

The chapter then moves on to discuss four important issues in the provision of primary health care in the community: health promotion; tackling health inequalities; health and regeneration; and, tackling domestic violence. The subsection on each of these will explain why the issue is of particular significance and review briefly a number of studies/projects which illustrate what is happening/can be done; this will introduce a range of current research. The chapter concludes with a short review of challenges for the future, emphasising the important role that the nursing profession has to play in meeting these challenges.

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Background
Recognition of the importance of the early years in determining health and educational attainment and promotion of the World Health Organization Health for All (HFA) principles has led to an international trend towards community-based initiatives to improve developmental outcomes among socio-economically disadvantaged children. In this study we examine whether, Best Start, an Australian area-based initiative to improve child health was effective in improving access to Maternal and Child Health (MCH) services.

Methods
The study compares access to information, parental confidence and annual 3.5 year Ages and Stages visiting rates before (2001/02) and after (2004/05) the introduction of Best Start. Access to information and parental confidence were measured in surveys of parents with 3 year old children. There were 1666 surveys in the first wave and 1838 surveys in the second wave. The analysis of visiting rates for the 3.5 year Ages and Stages visit included all eligible Victorian children. Best Start sites included 1,739 eligible children in 2001/02 and 1437 eligible children in 2004/05. The comparable figures in the rest of the state were and 45, 497 and 45, 953 respectively.

Results
There was a significant increase in attendance at the 3.5 year Ages and Stages visit in 2004/05 compared to 2001/02 in all areas. However the increase in attendance was significantly greater at Best Start sites than the rest of the state. Access to information and parental confidence improved over the course of the intervention in Best Start sites with MCH projects compared to other Best Start sites.

Conclusion
These results suggest that community-based initiatives in disadvantaged areas may improve parents' access to child health information, improve their confidence and increase MCH service use. These outcomes suggest such programmes could potentially contribute to strategies to reduce child health inequalities.

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In this chapter I identify and elaborate, from a feminist perspective, upon the theoretical shifts and key concepts that inform sociological analyses of gender and educational organizations. Gender inequalities are embedded in the multi-dimensional structure of relationships between women and men, which, as the modern sociology of gender shows, operates at every level of experience, from economic arrangements, culture and the state to interpersonal relationships and individual emotions. (Connell, 2005: 1801) Even naming this a sociology of gender and organizations is problematic. Many sociologists consider gender as a key sociological concept, but not necessarily from a feminist perspective. Feminism is a multidisciplinary, transnational movement that 'focuses on the relationship between social movements, political action and social inequalities' (Arnot, 2002: 3) and on the everyday experiences of women and girls and how they translate into social and structural 'ruling relations' (Smith, 1988). Feminism takes on multiple trajectories and imperatives in different cultural contexts, although with familial resemblances, most particularly the shared objective of equality for women and girls. Education as a primary institution of individual and collective mobility and social change, but also social and economic reproduction, has long been a focus of feminist theory and activism. So a feminist sociology needs to address this complexity of feminist sociological 'encounters' with gender and organizations.

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Objective: To examine whether compositional and/or contextual area characteristics are associated with area socioeconomic inequalities and between-area differences in recreational cycling.

Setting: The city of Melbourne, Australia.

Participants: 2349 men and women residing in 50 areas (58.7% response rate).

Main outcome measure: Cycling for recreational purposes (at least once a month vs never).

Design: In a cross-sectional survey participants reported their frequency of recreational cycling. Objective area characteristics were collected for their residential area by environmental audits or calculated with Geographic Information Systems software. Multilevel logistic regression models were performed to examine associations between recreational cycling, area socioeconomic level, compositional characteristics (age, sex, education, occupation) and area characteristics (design, safety, destinations or aesthetics).

Results: After adjustment for compositional characteristics, residents of deprived areas were less likely to cycle for recreation (OR 0.66; 95% CI 0.43 to 1.00), and significant between-area differences in recreational cycling were found (median odds ratio 1.48 (95% credibility interval 1.24 to 1.78). Aesthetic characteristics tended to be worse in deprived areas and were the only group of area characteristics that explained some of the area deprivation differences. Safety characteristics explained the largest proportion of between-area variation in recreational cycling.

Conclusion: Creating supportive environments with respect to safety and aesthetic area characteristics may decrease between-area differences and area deprivation inequalities in recreational cycling, respectively.

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In this chapter I examine domestic practices in migrant families through interviews with immigrant men who were asked to talk about the impact that migration and displacement had upon their attitudes and behaviour in relation to their gendered roles. How are their personal and domestic relationships with women affected by migration? How do they feel about any changes in gender roles and the division of domestic labour? How do they feel about the perceived and experienced changes in gendered power?

The aim of the chapter is to explore how gendered power operates within particular immigrant groups. Given that the literature argues that migration influences the relations between men and women (Shahidian 1999)" a critical examination of immigrant men's experience of masculinity may shed some light on how gender-based inequalities in migrant communities are enacted. It has already been noted in this book how little we know about the effects of migration on men's domestic relations (Hibbins and Pease in this volume). Hibbins and I have argued that immigrant men need to renegotiate their gender identity as they relate their own cultural understandings of masculinity to the meanings and practices in the dominant culture. In this chapter I explore what this process of negotiation means for immigrant men's involvement in domestic work and family life.

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Food cost has a strong influence on food purchases and given that persons of low income often have more limited budgets, healthier foods may be overlooked in favour of more energy-dense lower-cost options. The aim of this study was to investigate whether modifications to the available household food budget led to changes in the healthfulness of food purchasing choices among women of low and high income. A quasi-experimental design was used which included a sample of 74 women (37 low-income women and 37 high-income women) who were selected on the basis of their household income and sent an itemised shopping list in order to calculate their typical weekly household shopping expenditure. The women were also asked to indicate those foods they would add to their list if they were given an additional 25% of their budget to spend on food and those foods they would remove if they were restricted by 25% of their budget. When asked what foods they would add with a larger household food budget, low-income women chose more foods from the ‘healthier’ categories whereas high-income women chose more foods from the less ‘healthier’ categories. However, making the budgets of low- and high-income women more ‘equivalent’ did not eradicate income differences in overall healthfulness of food purchasing choices. This study highlights the importance of cost when making food purchasing choices among low- and high-income groups. Public health strategies aimed at reducing income inequalities in diet might focus on promoting healthy diets that are low cost.

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Regional differences in overweight and obesity levels in England have mirrored those of CVD, with higher levels in the North. It is unclear whether the increase in the prevalence of overweight and obesity over the last 15 years has been consistent in different regions of the country. BMI data from each of the health surveys for England conducted between 1993 and 2004 were analysed. Annual grouped estimates of the prevalence of overweight (BMI ≤ 25 kg/m2) and obesity (BMI ≤ 30 kg/m2) for the North and the South of England were produced by appropriately combining regional administrative authorities. Logistic regression analyses were performed to assess the independence of the geographical effect after adjustment for age and social class. The prevalence of both overweight and obesity in women has risen more quickly in the North than in the South between 1993 and 2004, leading to a widening of inequalities. The prevalence of both overweight and obesity in women in the South has remained reasonably stable since 1997. The prevalence rates of both conditions in men have risen in parallel in the North and the South between 1993 and 2004 by approximately 8%. The OR for obesity for young women increased between 1993/98 and 1998/2004 from 1·07 (1·00, 1·14) to 1·21 (1·13, 1·30). Widening geographical inequalities in overweight and obesity rates in women could lead to widening inequalities in cardiovascular and other diseases.

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This publication is the latest edition of a series of statistical compendia and supplements that document the burden of cardiovascular disease in the United Kingdom. This series of publications, published by the British Heart Foundation, usually focuses on coronary heart disease, but Stroke Statistics is jointly published by the British Heart Foundation and The Stroke Association and focuses on the important and substantial burden of stroke in the United Kingdom.

Stroke Statistics is designed for policy makers, health professionals, medical researchers and anyone else with an interest in stroke or cardiovascular disease. It aims to provide the most recent statistics related to the burden of stroke and to document the geographic, social and ethnic inequalities in the experience of stroke.

Stroke Statistics is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 documents trends and patterns in stroke mortality and premature mortality. Chapter 2 reports on the morbidity burden of stroke, both in terms of prevalence (the rate of people who have had a stroke in the past) and incidence (the rate of first ever strokes). Chapter 3 describes the burden of stroke on the National Health Service, in terms of drug therapy, hospitalisations and surgical procedures. Chapter 4 provides estimates of the prevalence of risk factors for stroke, broken down by age, sex, socioeconomic status and ethnicity. Details about Government targets to tackle the risk factor status of the population are also provided where available. Chapter 5 provides new estimates, calculated specifically for Stroke Statistics, of the economic cost of stroke to the National Health Service and to the United Kingdom economy.

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Introducing Evidence Based Health Policy: Problems and Possibilities, Section 1: What is the Problem?, 1: Competing Rationalities: Evidence based Health Policy, 2: Beyond Two Communities, Section 2: What does Evidence Mean?, 3: Evidence based Medicine - The Medical Profession and Health Policy, 4: Mind The Gap: Assessing the Quality of Evidence for Public Health Problems, 5: Health Policy and Normative Analysis: Ethics, Evidence and Politics, 6: What is New in Health Information? Evidence for Health Consumers and Policy Making, 7: From Evidence based Medicine to Evidence based Public Health, Section 3: Policy Case Studies, 8: The Viagra Affair: Evidence as the Terrain for Competing Partners, 9: Folate Fortification: A Case Study of Public Health Policy-Making in a Food Regulation Setting, 10: The Supply and Safety of Blood and Blood Products - Evidence, Risk and Policy, 11: The Development of Nurse Practitioner Policy, 12: Creating Healthy Public Policy for Oral Health: How was the Evidence Used?, 13: Regulation of Traditional Chinese Medicine in Victoria, 14: The Victorian Primary Health Care Reforms: A Case Study of Evidence-based Policy Making, 15: Evidence-based Practice in the Australian Drug Policy Community, 16: Challenging the Evidence - Women's Health Policy in Australia, 17: Evidence and Aboriginal Health Policy, 18: The Limits to Technical Rationality in the Health Inequalities Policy Process, 19: Evidence-based policy: A Technocratic Wish in a Political World, Section 4: Is the transfer of evidence into policy possible?, 20: The Community Model of Research Transfer, 21: Getting Research Transfer into Policy and Practice in Maternity Care, 22: Improving the Research and Policy Partnership: An Agenda for Research Transfer and Governance, 23: Framing and Taming 'Wicked' Problems