The 'China Threat' in American self-imagination: the discursive construction of other as power politics

Argues that the "China threat" argument in mainstream international relations literature in the United States is derived, primarily, from a discursive construction of otherness. Construction which is predicated on a particular narcissistic understanding of the U.S. self and on a positivist-based realism, concerned with absolute certainty and security; Concern which is central to the dominant U.S. self-imagery.

Price and subsidy policy on soil conservation: application to smallholder tea growers

The role of commodity prices and subsidies on the adoption of soil conservation has been widely debated yet is poorly understood. One reason for this is the complex nature of the relationship between soil loss and yield damage. This paper examines the effects of price and subsidy policy on adoption of soil conservation measures in tea lands in Sri Lanka. The soil conservation technologies considered are lateral drains, stone terraces and Sloping Agricultural Land Technique (SALT). The study uses a non-linear yield damage function to estimate tea yield loss due to soil erosion. The yield function is then used in conjunction with a simple analytical model to examine the effects of changes in price and subsidies
on the incentives to adopt various soil conservation technologies. When there is a yield increment with soil conservation, increases in both prices and subsidies are found to make soil conservation economically attractive.

Better-practice approaches for culture-based fisheries development in Asia

"Culture based fisheries are an effective way of increasing supplies of fish in rural areas. Farmers with relatively little experience in fish culture can productively engage, manage and benefit from culture based fisheries around lakes and reservoirs. This manual will provide guidance to development workers and program planners for integrating community based fisheries into rural development plans"--ACIAR website.

Australia and the Middle East : a front-line relationship

Australia’s encounters with the Middle East have historically been defined initially through its membership of the British Empire, later as a key Commonwealth player and more recently through Australia's close strategic relationship with the US. This book traces the nature of the Australia-Middle East relationship, from an insular ‘White Australia’ ideology through to the global impact of September 11, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the new and menacing terror threat that has arrived on its own doorstep. A comprehensive analysis of this complex relationship provides an essential basis for understanding past encounters, evaluating present policies and developing a framework for future interactions. The book seeks to draw together the various dimensions and themes of this relationship – from trade and migration, to Australia’s increasing strategic interest and current military involvement in the region.

East Timor : beyond independence

The chapters in this book examine the major themes of development, borders and security, politics and justice, resource and land management, education, and language policy. Though the country was initially lauded as a case study in successful state-building, the crisis of 2006 demonstrated that East Timor had more in common with other post-colonial, post-conflict societies than some of thse earlier optimistic assessments suggested. East Timor continues to attract the interest and attention of governments, scholars, development institutions and aid workers as a society rebuilding itself after almost a quarter of a century of profound trauma, and the consecutive eras of colonialism. Covering the era from the independence referendum in August 1999 to the political crisis in 2006, and future prospects and challenges, this book is an invaluable resource for understanding the challenges facing the first new nation of the 21st century.

Interpersonal trust and formal controls in low systemic trust societies

This study is concerned with the role of interpersonal trust in management control. On the basis of a questionnaire survey and interviews of senior managers from business organisations in sri lanka, the study explores the control behaviour of superior managers when they trust or distrust their subordinates. Sri lanka, a society in which the dependence on interpersonal trust is high, was chosen for the study to maximise the effect of interpersonal trust.

The findings of this study indicate that a superior's high trust in a subordinate is associated with a low level of monitoring, a high level of social interactions, and a low reliance on formal controls. In contrast, a superior's low level of trust in a subordinate is associated with a high level of monitoring, a low level of social interactions, and a high reliance on formal controls. Because the data emanate from experienced senior managers, these findings are at least indicative of control behaviour of superior managers in sri lanka and possibly of similar countries in asia. An understanding of the control behaviour of managers in this region is particularly important for designing and implementing effective controls systems for firms, subsidiaries, branches or joint-ventures operating in the region.

Endemic freshwater finfish of Asia : distribution and conservation status

Freshwater finfish species richness and level of endemism in East, and South and South-East Asia that included 17 nations were studied using available databases, and included nation-wise distribution, habitat types, and conservation status. The number of endemic finfish species in the region was 559, belonging to 47 families. Families Cyprinidae and Balitoridae accounted for 43.5% and 16.2% of the total number of endemic species in the region, respectively, followed by Sisoridae (25), Gobiidae (20), Melanotaeniidae (19), and Bagridae (16), and the other 41 families had at least one endemic species. Nation-wise the most number of endemic freshwater finfish species occur in India (191), followed by China (88), Indonesia (84), and Myanmar (60). In India, the endemic species accounted for 26.4% of the native freshwater fish fauna, followed by South Korea (16.9%), the Philippines, (16.3%) and Myanmar (15.7%).

Statistically significant relationships discerned between the number of indigenous and endemic species richness to land area (X_la in 10³ km²) of the nations in the region were, Y_in = 218.961 Ln(X_la) – 843.1 (R² = 0.735; P < 0.001) and Y_e = 28.445 Ln X_la−134.47 (R² = 0.534; P < 0.01), respectively, and between indigenous and endemic species richness was Y_e = 0.079X_n− 1.558 (R² = 0.235; P < 0.05).

The overall conservation status of endemic finfish in Asia was satisfactory in that only 92 species were in some state of vulnerability, of which 37 species (6.6%) are endangered or critically endangered. However, the bulk of these species (83.7%) were cave- and or lake-dwelling fish. However, nation-wise, the endemic freshwater finfish fauna of the Philippines and Sri Lanka, based on the imperilment index, were found to be in a highly vulnerable state. Among river basins, the Mekong Basin had the highest number of endemic species (31.3%). The discrepancies between databases are highlighted and the need to consolidate information among databases is discussed. It is suggested that the Mekong Basin be considered as a biodiversity hotspot, and appropriate management strategies be introduced in this regard.

Amylase and glucosidase enzyme inhibitory activity of ginger (Zingiber officinale Roscoe) an in vitro study

The prevalence of type 2 diabetes has reached to an epidemic proportion in Sri Lanka. The need for achieving better control of blood glucose level has been evident in diabetes management. However it is not easy to achieve this goal in a large proportion of patients. This is partly due to limitations of currently available pharmacological agents which stimulate research on novel anti-diabetic agents with different mechanisms. Digestive enzymes have been targeted as potential avenues for modulation of blood glucose concentration through inhibition of the enzymatic breakdown of complex carbohydrates to meal derived glucose absorption. Acarbose is a widely used oral anti-diabetic drug which inhibits the α-glucosidase, enzyme responsible for breaking down of disaccharides and polysaccharides into glucose. Many herbal extracts have been found to posses similar inhibitory effects. Ginger (Zingiber officinale Roscoe) has developed a reputation in treatment of several diseases. In vitro enzymic inhibitory effect of ginger was investigated in this study. Enzymes α -amylase and α -glucosidase treated with either Acarbose or ginger extract were allowed to react with cooked rice and percentages of glucose content were measured. The glucosidase and amylase activities on the rice were inhibited by addition of ginger cause significant reduction in glucose percentages (36.86± 1.05 to 26.87± 2.17, P<0.05 and 49.04±0.65 to 35.35±2.22, P<0.05) which showed comparable results with Acarbose on glucosidase activity (36.86± 1.05 to, 27.8±1.32 P<0.05). Results of the study indicates ginger as a potential plant based amylase and glucosidase inhibitor in carbohydrate digestion but usage in glycaemic control in human has to be investigated further.

Australia-Indonesia security relationship

[No Abstract]

People's war under modern conditions : an investigation into Chinese defence strategy, 1977-2049

This thesis is an investigation of the relevance of ‘people's war’ to contemporary Chinese defence policy. This loose concept has been eroded by 'modernity’, but a guerilla-based defence remains the essential theme. Prior to China's acquisition of nuclear weapons, people's war was the sole element of the state's deterrent policy, aiming to swamp an invader with China's numerical strength. In the 1980s and beyond people's war finds effectiveness through a combination of materiel of middle range technology and the traditional usage of massive manpower. People's war under modern conditions remains essentially defensive, but now incorporates 'active defence’ with accent on greater mobility. However, the central thesis of this work relates to how the traditional strategy may influence nuclear doctrine. This thesis proposes that China could abandon long-range ballistic missiles and adopt a new concept in nuclear strategy: that of, Guerilla Nuclear Warfare. Trained in guerilla tactics and equipped with battlefield nuclear weapons, this would represent the logical extension of China's people's war strategy to the new nuclear conditions associated with superpower research into space-based ballistic missile defences and which, in full deployment, could nullify a Chinese nuclear deterrent based only on 'mid-tech' delivery systems. Guerilla Nuclear Warfare, as a strategy, would involve the irregular use of locally held and controlled tactical nuclear weapons, but it would also be a method of circumventing the proposed Soviet missile defence shield by not challenging it. Guerilla Nuclear Warfare does not exist in the late 1980s, but evidence exists to suggest its development. It cannot yet be proven as the new direction but China's strategic circumstances add weight to available indications: unless the Strategic Defence programs of the established superpowers are arrested then it appears the sole option available to the Chinese for the maintenance of a nuclear deterrent in the early part of the 21st Century.

Australia and East Timor : elitism, pragmatism and the national interest

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

Australian perceptions of the Orient 1880-1910

Abstract not supplied. Keywords taken from contents page.