151 resultados para Mass media Political aspects Australia


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Netflix's success has been a phenomenon in the United States and where it has migrated as a source for the distribution of film and television content in recent years. Now producing and distributing original series such as House of Cards and Arrested Development, Netflix is building a successful model that could move into the australian market in future months.

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Periodically tracking public sentiment toward television advertising (TVA) is an important barometer for the advertising industry and its myriad stakeholders. To date, however, most studies of consumers’ attitudes to TVA have been cross-sectional. This study, alternatively, provides a quasi-longitudinal examination of Australian attitudes toward TVA across four time points (2002, 2005, 2008, and 2010). Findings suggest that although attitudes toward TVA are generally negative, in fact they have not deteriorated over time. Considerable scope consequently exists for improving consumer attitudes toward TVA.

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Women aged from 14 to 25 say they will avoid certain careers because of sexism and less than 1% want to be in politics.

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Social marketing has been proposed as a framework that may be effectively used to encourage behaviour change relating to obesity. Social advertising (or mass media campaigning) is the most commonly used social marketing strategy to address the issue of obesity. While social advertising has the potential to effectively communicate information about obesity, some argue that the current framing and delivery of these campaigns are ineffective, and may cause more harm than good.

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Objective: To determine the impact of tobacco control policies and mass media campaigns on smoking prevalence in Australian adults.
Methods: Data for calculating the average monthly prevalence of smoking between January 2001 and June 2011 were obtained via structured interviews of randomly sampled adults aged 18 years or older from Australia’s five largest capital cities (monthly mean number of adults interviewed: 2375). The influence on smoking prevalence was estimated for increased tobacco taxes; strengthened smoke-free laws; increased monthly population exposure to televised tobacco control mass media campaigns and pharmaceutical company advertising for nicotine replacement therapy (NRT), using gross ratings points; monthly sales of NRT, bupropion and varenicline; and introduction of graphic health warnings on cigarette packs. Autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) models were used to examine the influence of these interventions on smoking prevalence.
Findings: The mean smoking prevalence for the study period was 19.9% (standard deviation: 2.0%), with a drop from 23.6% (in January 2001) to 17.3% (in June 2011). The best-fitting model showed that stronger smoke-free laws, tobacco price increases and greater exposure to mass media campaigns independently explained 76% of the decrease in smoking prevalence from February 2002 to June 2011.
Conclusion: Increased tobacco taxation, more comprehensive smoke-free laws and increased investment in mass media campaigns played a substantial role in reducing smoking prevalence among Australian adults between 2001 and 2011.

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We are living in increasingly mobile, multifaith, and secular societies, which has led to new opportunities and challenges. We live in religiously diverse cities and neighbourhoods offering a rich array of cultural, artistic, architectural, and culinary experiences that are widely appreciated. At the same time, Western societies are grappling with the reality that they can no longer be defined as Christian nations, and this has impacted national identity, values, and education. This increased diversity is viewed and felt differently in different places. Some have embraced it and viewed it as a strength and advantage while others are resisting what they perceive as a threat to their way of life. This article examines the development of religious diversity, focusing on the UK and Australia as examples of 'Old' and 'New' World societies but also including broader contexts. It then discusses the growth of multifaith awareness lo¬cally and globally, including the role of the multifaith movement in promoting interreligious understanding. Finally, we consider the social and political aspects of living in a multifaith society and theoretical frameworks pertaining to religion and governance. This article aims to inform and assist scholars, religious and non-religious organisations and state actors to better respond to the changing religious landscape in order to maximise social inclusion and minimise tensions within and between diverse groups and societies.

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The media play a key role in promoting the thin ideal. A qualitative study, in which we used in depth interviews and thematic analysis, was undertaken to explore the attitudes of 142 obese individuals toward media portrayals of the thin ideal. Participants discussed the thin ideal as a social norm that is also supported through the exclusion of positive media portrayals of obese people. They perceived the thin ideal as an 'unhealthy' mode of social control, reflecting on their personal experiences and their concerns for others. Participants' perceptions highlighted the intersections between the thin ideal and gender, grooming and consumerism. Participants' personal responses to the thin ideal were nuanced--some were in support of the thin ideal and some were able to critically reflect and reject the thin ideal. We consider how the thin ideal may act as a form of synoptical social control, working in tandem with wider public health panoptical surveillance of body weight.

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This article considers how changing media practices of minority groups and political and media elites impact on demo-cratic participation in national debates. Taking as its case study the state-sponsored campaign to formally recognise In-digenous people in the Australian constitution, the article examines the interrelationships between political media and Indigenous participatory media—both of which we argue are undergoing seismic transformation. Discussion of constitutional reform has tended to focus on debates occurring in forums of influence such as party politics and news media that privilege the voices of only a few high-profile Indigenous media ‘stars’. Debate has progressed on the assumption that constitutional change needs to be settled by political elites and then explained and ‘sold’ to Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Our research on the mediatisation of policymaking has found that in an increasingly media-saturated environment, political leaders and their policy bureaucrats attend to a narrow range of highly publicised voices. But the rapidly changing media environment has disrupted the media-driven Recognise campaign. Vigorous pub-lic discussion is increasingly taking place outside the mainstream institutions of media and politics, while social media campaigns emerge in rapid response to government decisions. Drawing on a long tradition in citizens’ media scholar-ship we argue that the vibrant, diverse and growing Indigenous media sphere in Australia has increased the accessibility of Indigenous voices challenging the scope and substance of the recognition debate. The article concludes on a cau-tionary note by considering some tensions in the promise of the changing media for Indigenous participation in the national policy conversation.

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Over the past few weeks, there have been heated discussions around what people learn about sexuality and gender at school. In some ways it has reminded me of the 1970s moral panic that occurred after the publication of Young, Gay and Proud (written by the Melbourne-based Gay Teachers and Students Group). That was almost 40 years ago.

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Steven Slaughter examines whether liberals can govern in a way that promotes liberty and moderates the significant social dislocation associated with neo-liberalism and economic globalisation. This book critically evaluates the potential of various liberal arguments to adequately address the harmful social aspects of economic globalisation in three distinct stages. First, it examines the configuration of contemporary economic globalisation and the consequences of this process for liberal thought and governance. Second, it examines contemporary liberal approaches by critically examining a series of liberal texts that provide practical alternative schemes of governance. Third, in finding these contemporary liberal arguments insufficient to the task of a socially responsible regulation of economic globalisation, the book concludes with an innovative scheme that stems from neo-Roman republican political theory.
This alternate approach is termed global civic republicanism and seeks to retrieve the public and civic character of the state in order to provide its citizens protection from economic vulnerability and thereby constitute a resilient form of individual liberty. As such, the philosophical and practical resources that support the idea of republican states are outlined and contrasted with cosmopolitan modes of thought. The legacy of republican ideas in respect to political economy, world politics and global governance are also examined.

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To engage in the practice of photojournalism is to occupy a position of privilege, because the practice involves entering, albeit for a short while, the lives of others. But with this privilege comes the burden of representation. In this sense I believe that photojournalism is currently in crisis. This crisis concerns the decontextualization of the image in media outlets and the relegation of the photojournalist to the role of merely a hunter/gatherer rather than a storyteller. In other words, photojournalists have become alienated from the process of re-presentation of their own stories. To some extent it has always been thus.

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On Sunday 6 April 1997, historian Mark Baker's first non-academic book was launched at Melbourne's iconic migrant portal, Station Pier. The guest list of over 500 invitees included representatives of many print media organisations, most of whom interviewed the author. His photograph was reproduced a week later in the 'Agenda' section of The Age newspaper. In this portrait, Baker leans on the railings beside the massive structure of Station Pier. Framed by sea and sky, he is caught glancing pensively over his shoulder past the camera and into the middle distance. He is alone. The day is bleak. Here, the reader is invited to surmise, is a man with much on his mind. In a flash of inspiration the sub-editor has prefaced the accompanying caption, 'Back to the future', linking the story with the mass media of film and television.

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Mass media representations foster a view that the "War on Terror" is taking place both everywhere and nowhere, presenting Western governments with an opportunity to mobilize public support in new and ubiquitous ways. Starting with Virilio's critique of technology, speed, and de-territorialization, this article discusses the ways in which mass support is mobilized by the state in conventional pursuit of geopolitical objectives. Drawing on  contemporary international relations theory, the authors introduce the concept of "securitization" and discuss how war coverage in cyberspace has been used to securitize international threats, such as "global terrorism," to justify state intervention, including war. It is concluded that one of the paradoxes of war coverage in cyberspace is that whereas cyber-technologies should democratize the politics of war by liberating access to information about war, the state has coopted information and communication technologies to facilitate new forms of mass mobilization for war itself.