Recording heritage destruction in Iraq

In October 2012, I began a monthlong visit to Iraq to begin developing a database that documents the destruction of heritage in the country over a crucial nine-year period (2003–2009). This database will enable researchers to more fully understand the extent of the destruction and will help the Iraqi government and international community to prioritize the heritage sites in Iraq that most urgently need protection and restoration. The primary purpose of the database, however, is to examine the extent of the relationship between the recorded destruction of heritage sites and spikes of violence, as documented in existing and reliable measures such as the Iraq Body Count database. Over the next three years, with funding from the Australian Research Council’s Discovery (DECRA) scheme and supported by the Centre for Citizenship and Globalization at Deakin University, our research team of Australians, Americans, and Iraqis will build the database.

A review of long-distance movements by marine turtles, and the possible role of ocean currents

Sea turtle movements often occur in open-sea unsheltered areas, and are therefore likely to be influenced by major oceanographic processes. Only recently has work started to examine the possible relationships of these movements with dynamic oceanic features, and consequently a clear picture of such interaction is only available in a few cases. Newborn sea turtles are thought to rely on oceanic currents to reach their pelagic nursery habitats. The actual extent and timing of these developmental migrations are known for only a few populations, but these movements probably last several years and range over thousands of km. Large juveniles that have been tracked during their pelagic stage were found to make long-distance movements, sometimes swimming against the prevailing currents. Older juveniles of most species leave the pelagic habitat to recruit to neritic developmental habitats. This is a very poorly documented phase of the sea turtle life-cycle, and the few available indications show that turtles may have to swim actively for enormous distances to counterbalance their previous drift with the current. The course and extent of adult postnesting migrations vary greatly among different turtle species, but two main patterns are evident. Some species, like green, hawksbill and loggerhead turtles, shuttle between the nesting beach and a specific feeding area used for the entire inter-reproductive period. In these cases, individuals swim, rather than drift, to complete their journeys, with possible advection due to currents sometimes helping them to quickly reach their target, but sometimes providing navigational challenges. Other species such as the olive ridley and the leatherback turtle, leave the coastal nesting areas to reach the pelagic environment where they forage, and perform wandering movements. Major oceanographic processes (such as main currents and eddies) have been recently shown to have a remarkable influence on leatherback movements, making it questionable whether these journeys are to be considered migrations or, rather, prolonged stays in vast feeding areas.

US foreign policy in the Middle East : the roots of anti-Americanism

Over the last sixty years, Washington has been a major player in the politics of the Middle East. From Iran in the 1950s, to the Gulf War of 1991, to the devastation of contemporary Iraq, US policy has had a profound impact on the domestic affairs of the region. Anti-Americanism is a pervasive feature of modern Middle East public opinion. But far from being intrinsic to ‘Muslim political culture’, scepticism of the US agenda is directly linked to the regional policies pursued by Washington. By exploring critical points of regional crisis, Kylie Baxter and Shahram Akbarzadeh elaborate on the links between US policy and popular distrust of the United States. The book also examines the interconnected nature of events in this geo-strategically vital region. Accessible and easy to follow, it is designed to provide a clear and concise overview of complex historical and political material. Key features include: •maps illustrating key events and areas of discontent •text boxes on topics of interest related to the Arab/Israeli Wars, Iranian politics, foreign interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, the wars of the Persian Gulf, September 11 and the rise of Islamist movements •further reading lists and a selection of suggested study questions at the end of each chapter.

Civil society after Saddam: oil unions and democracy in Iraq

Following the intervention in Iraq by coalition forces one decade ago, the Bush Administration underwent an enormous and unprecedented project to bring the ‘Western’ liberal model of democracy to Iraq. For the first few years the project to bring democracy to Iraq had its share of successes as the Iraqi people proved themselves capable of understanding and utilizing democratic mechanisms and institutions. This culminated in a series of nation-wide elections from 2005 onwards that brought a democratically elected government to power (Isakhan, 2012). However, one of the unfortunate consequences of the war and the US effort to bring democracy to Iraq was that many key ethno-religious political factions viewed it as an opportunity to pedal their own relatively narrow and very divisive political rhetoric (Davis, 2007). This meant that the Iraqi government was constituted not so much by a body who wanted to draw Iraq together behind a common ideology and to work towards a collective and egalitarian future, as it was by representatives who would fight on behalf of their ethno-religious constituencies. Not surprisingly, a great deal of academic literature has emerged which has analysed and criticised the formal political parties and institutions of the post-Saddam era (Dawisha, 2009). Indeed, the bulk of contemporary scholarship on Iraqi politics focuses on issues such as: the increasingly authoritarian tendencies of the Iraqi government; the obstinacy and ineptitude of many elements of Iraq’s political elite; the systemic corruption that is hollowing out the coffers of the state; the moribund bureaucracy that are struggling to deliver basic services and; of course, the deep-seated divisions within and between those that represent Iraq’s three main ethno-religious blocks: the Shia Arabs, the Sunni Arabs and the Kurds.

Ethno-religious tragedy rebuilds in Iraq

In the shadows of Syria's deadly civil war, a new tragedy is building right next door, in Iraq

How Relevant is the ‘Terror Frame’ for Discussing Media Coverage of Iraq in 2013? A Preliminary Study

This paper is a preliminary study of the terror frame as it is applied to media coverage of Iraq 10 years after the 2003 American-led intervention that toppled Saddam Hussein.

US policy toward rogue states: Comparing the Bush administration's policy toward Iraq and North Korea

The George W. Bush administration resorted to war to respond to the threat of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, whereas it virtually ruled out the use of force to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue. By utilizing various strands of realist international relations theories, we trace motivations behind the administration's divergent foreign-policy choices toward rogue states. That the United States rushed to war against Iraq while procrastinating on North Korea presents a puzzle to conventional realism, which postulates that great powers observe changes in relative capabilities and respond accordingly. We argue that policy differences should be embedded in discussion of the administration's foreign-policy grand strategy, which sought to sustain the hegemonic status of the United States in the world. Iraq and North Korea had different implications for Bush's grand strategy, thereby calling for different approaches. By tracing the strategic design of the Bush administration, we attempt to provide a more complete account of policy differences toward rogue states, as well as indicate the significant changes in US policy during the George W. Bush administration and since.

The politics of Australia's withdrawal from Iraq

This article examines the complex matrix of public, political and policy debates that were brought to bear on Australia's decision to withdraw from Iraq. In analysing the ‘politics of withdrawal’ in Australia, this article identifies four dominant frames that served to polarise the issue along party-political lines and reduce the complexities of Australia's withdrawal to a set of simple polarities (such as ‘stay the course’ versus ‘responsible withdrawal’). Specifically, these frames obfuscated an assessment of the myriad challenges facing post-Saddam Iraq and the prospects for peace, security and development beyond Australia's withdrawal. Understanding the ways in which Australia framed its decision to disengage from Iraq is critical to further analysis of Australia's approach to current (or future) military draw-downs (such as in Afghanistan), as well as those conducted by other liberal democracies, such as the US and the UK.

Succeeding and seceding in Iraq: the case for a Shiite State

The US project to democratize Iraq has given way to a dramatic upsurge in ethno-religious factionalism in which a series of groups have sought to use ‘democracy’ to create or exacerbate division. Among these divisive political elements a relatively fringe idea held mostly by power-hungry elites has become a central driving force of much political debate within Iraq: separatism. Although there are many examples of political factions within Iraq which have called for territorial separatism since 2003 (such as some Kurdish, Sunni, Assyrian and Turcoman political parties), this chapter focuses on the less known case for a Shiite state. Specifically, it concentrates on the Shia Arab Islamist political party, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), which differs from other Shia political factions in their calls for a decentralized federal Iraq with an autonomous Shia Islamic state in the south.

Psychosocial research with children in Iraq : current health practice and policy in a context of armed conflict

There is a need to show how psychosocial issues affect children in conflict areas like Iraq. Raising knowledge and awareness of children’s mental health status in Iraq has been difficult and the knowledge base has been limited by the shortage of resources, international sanctions and the isolation of Iraqi scholars. Many obstacles to research in Iraq exist but an agenda should be developed emphasising the need for high-quality contextualised psychosocial research. Health researchers in the country need to clarify basic population parameters and to provide culturally appropriate, evidence-based interventions for practitioners.