Beyond interdependence: Economic security and Sino-American-Australian trilateralism

Chinas economic and politico-military development is placing considerable strain on the established framework of the trilateral relationship between itself, the United States, and Australia. Specifically, Chinas rise is generating security concerns that are politicizing economic relations between the three states. A more guarded approach to economic collaboration will transform trilateralism, which up to now has been characterized by the scope allowed for the discrete pursuit of security and economic relations. This will force political authorities to carefully consider their policy priorities and further strain relations between the states, as well as supporting a more cautious approach to China on the part of the United States and Australia.

An international observational prospective survey assessing the control of atrial fibrillation in Asia-Pacific: results of the record-AFAP registry

A prospective 1-year observational survey was designed to assess the management and control of atrial fibrillation (AF) in eight countries within the Asia-Pacific region. Patients (N = 2,604) with recently diagnosed AF or a history of AF ≤1 year were included. Clinicians chose the treatment strategy (rhythm or rate control) according to their standard practice and medical discretion. The primary endpoint was therapeutic success. At baseline, rhythm- and rate-control strategies were applied to 35.7% and 64.3% of patients, respectively. At 12 months, therapeutic success was 43.2% overall. Being assigned to rhythm-control strategy at baseline was associated with a higher therapeutic success (46.5% vs 41.4%; P = 0.0214) and a lower incidence of clinical outcomes (10.4% vs 17.1% P < 0.0001). Patients assigned to rate-control strategies at baseline had higher cardiovascular morbidities (history of heart failure or valvular heart disease). Cardiovascular outcomes may be less dependent on the choice of treatment strategy than cardiovascular comorbidities.

Does the global reporting initiative influence sustainability disclosures in Asia-Pacific banks?

This article examines sustainability disclosures by the major banks in the Asia-Pacific region (the six largest banks from each of four countries: Australia, Japan, China and India) during the period 2005–2012. The findings show sustainability disclosures by banks that participate in the global reporting initiative (GRI) are significantly higher than disclosures by those banks that have not participated in the GRI. Amongst those banks that have participated in the GRI there is a higher rate of disclosure by externally assured banks than by non-externally assured banks. Among the GRI participating banks, there was significant variation of disclosures between countries. Disclosures by Australian banks appeared to be significantly higher than disclosures by banks in any other countries under observation. The findings are discussed from a moral legitimacy perspective. Consistent with this view, the banks under study were responsive to the GRI, which is seen as an influential actor that shapes and reflects the expectations of the broader community. However, the role of the GRI in minimising country differences in disclosure by banks is not significant.

Is the grass greener on the other side? a review of the Asia-Pacific sport industry’s environmental sustainability practices

In recent years, sport entities have begun to prioritise environmental sustainability (ES) initiatives in their business strategies with the aim of minimising their environmental impact and engaging stakeholders within the ES movement. There has been minimal academic consideration of the ES movement in professional sport, particularly outside of North America and Europe. The aim of the present study is to provide an overview of the type and profile of ES initiatives being undertaken and communicated to stakeholders in the Asia-Pacific region by the industry bodies. Further, the study offers a conceptual model of the global-, country-, industry- and organisational-level forces impacting these sporting organisations’ ES practices. Various communication mediums of 114 professional sport teams from seven countries—Australia, India, New Zealand, Japan, China, Taiwan and Korea—were evaluated using content analysis. The results reveal low communication of ES practices by professional sport teams in the Asia-Pacific region compared to North America. Extended findings on the existing global profile of ES engagement provide a descriptive understanding of the ES movement in the Asia-Pacific region, and contribute to the identification of possible antecedents and correlatives to be evaluated in future research.

Religion and development in the Asia-Pacific : sacred places as development spaces

The book considers theories of ‘place’ as a component of successful development interventions and expands this analysis to consider the specific role that sacred places – buildings and social networks – have in planning, implementing and promoting sustainable development. A series of case studies examine various sacred places as sites for development activities. These case studies include Christian churches and disaster relief in Vanuatu; Muslim shrines and welfare provision in Pakistan; a women’s Buddhist monastery in Thailand advancing gender equity; a Jewish aid organisation providing language training to Muslim Women in Australia; and Hawaiian sacred sites located within a holistic retreat centre committed to ecological sustainability.Religion and Development in the Asia-Pacific demonstrates the important role that sacred spaces can play in development interventions, covering diverse major world religions, interfaith and spiritual contexts, and as such will be of considerable interest for postgraduate students and researchers in development studies, religious studies, sociology of religion and geography.

Indo-US strategic ties on the upswing

Strategic ties based on converging national interests shared perceptions of the evolving Asia-Pacific security environment are strengthening between India and USA. The sanctions imposed in response to IndiaEs 1998 nuclear tests were relaxed and military-to-military links were stored with the joining of India in US-led war on terror.

Generational change : regional security and Australian engagement with Asia

The Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has recently announced plans to develop greater regional integration and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region.

Historically, Australian opinion, however, has expressed some anxiety about forging closer economic, political and security ties with Asia. Using trend data from the Australian Election Study and the Lowy Institute Poll, this article examines changes in Australian public opinion on closer engagement with Asia and whether the Australian public is likely to support the Rudd government’s push towards developing deeper regional diplomacy. The article finds a shift in opinion since the 1990s with a younger generation of voters who are moderately supportive of Australia’s engagement with Asia.

Down under and in between : Australian security perspectives in the 'Asian Century'

This chapter will provide an overview of Australian perspectives on the US alliance in light of ongoing and emerging challenges in the Asia-Pacific region. After a brief discussion of the motivations behind the signing of the ANZUS treaty, the first part of the chapter examines the historical context of the alliance, with a particular focus on the longstanding and ongoing tussle in Australia between independence in foreign policy making vis-à-vis broader structural constraints. While this debate has been a constant feature of the political scene in Australia, it has come into particular focus since the US withdrawal from Vietnam, which marked a turning point in Australian perspectives with regard to its own role in Asia. The collision of ideas surrounding Australian identity and Australian national interest has been reflected in policy approaches as successive governments have sought to strike a balance between the two exigencies and thus, most optimally ensure Australia’s strategic future. The chapter concludes by examining current perspectives through the lens of an ongoing debate taking place in Australian academic circles about what the rise of China means for Australia and its commitment to the US alliance, and considers options for caucus-style cooperation with fellow US allies beyond the hub-and-spokes model.

American defence policy and the challenge of austerity : some implications for Southeast Asia

This article examines the Obama administration’s attempt to rebalance U.S. strategy towards the Asia-Pacific region with special emphasis on Southeast Asia. It argues that America’s regional pivot is occurring at a time of unprecedented domestic fiscal austerity caused by a staggering level of national debt.

The U.S. domestic budget crisis, the current “declinist” debate, concern over the rise of China, and the impact of sequestration on American defence spending are analysed and their implications for Southeast Asia are assessed. The article suggests that the most serious aspect of the U.S. debt crisis may be its impact upon American strategic resilience and geopolitical confidence.

Thus, while many ASEAN nations have welcomed the U.S. strategic pivot as a valuable reinforcement of their security, they remain unsure that it is a sustainable policy. In the future, it is likely that reassuring ASEAN of the longevity of the U.S. commitment to the Asia-Pacific will require of Washington a skilled blend of budgetary reform, military presence, and sustained diplomatic effort.

Australia’s strategic culture: constraints and opportunities in security policymaking

 This article draws on fourth generation strategic culture debates to show the gap between the rhetoric of Australian defence and the more modest reality. Our analysis shows that these limits derive from tensions between national strategic culture and organizational strategic subcultures. There are serious debates in the nation regarding the preferred course of the Australian military and security policy. This article frames these debates by examining the ‘keepers’ of Australia's national strategic culture, the existence of several competing strategic subcultures, and the importance of norm entrepreneurs in changing defence and national security thinking. Strategic subcultures foster compartmentalization, constraints, and bureaucratic silos that narrow national conceptions of security threats and opportunities, and impinge on the formation of coherent foreign and defence policy in relation to the Asia-Pacific region. This analysis shows that a distinct national strategic culture and organizational strategic subcultures endure beyond individual governments, placing potential limits on Australia's interface with other Asia-Pacific strategic cultures in the future.

Australia and Japan after the second world war: constructing new futures in Asia

The subject of my lecture is Australian-Japanese relations since the end of the Second World War, but I’m keen to explore these relations in the context of ideas, efforts and practical results in relation to collaborative and other efforts towards regionalism in the Asia Pacific. My general argument is that, on the one hand, Australian-Japanese relations have developed with a strength that would have been hard to imagine in 1945, and with an important focus on regional growth and security. The incremental steps taken may have been small and at a steady pace but, given the legacy of deep scars resulting from the Second World War and given the limitations on the defence aspects of Japan’s postwar involvement in regional affairs (ie the self defence requirement of the Constitution and the practice of spending not more than one per cent of Gross National Product on defence), these have been very successfully negotiated steps. On the other hand, there are some opportunities for greater joint leadership in the region which may or may not be realized. The incremental steps took place in difficult and changing circumstances; and what I would like to do now is remind us of how many unknowns attached to what might happen in Australian- Japan relationships after the Second World War, partly because there were so many unknowns about how the post-war international order would settle, and partly because Australian-Japanese relations started from such a desperately low point. I will try to walk through some of the key features of different periods, as I see the periodisation logically falling out after the war, and draw some thoughts together in relation to more recent initiatives on regional and bilateral co-operation. My training is as a historian, and that shapes the way this lecture works, and for most of my career I have been an Australian historian of international relations, looking particularly at Australia’s changing role in world affairs, and that is also likely to show in what follows－possibly at the expense of greater detail from Japanese perspectives. But I hope you will understand that, and also the limitations involved in trying to paint with a broad brush on a huge historical canvas.

China anxieties in the geopolitical cartographies of the Indo-Pacific

Concepts about space and time, such as the Asia-Pacific and the Asian Century, are not articulated lightly in international relations discourses. When a spatial or temporal term comes into vogue, it often comes with political connotations and policy implications. This is the context in which we ought to consider the making of the spatial term Indo-Pacific, which has recently made it into the lexicon of official speeches, think-tank reports, government white papers and scholarly works. While many pundits and practitioners are embracing this new formulation, others cast doubt on its usefulness or even question its actual existence. Yet, despite its sudden stardom in foreign policy circles and some debate around its policy implications, how the Indo-Pacific as a political spatial concept came about has not been well understood.To address this gap, this chapter will first briefly survey the Indo-Pacific debate and examine how the debate has not paid adequate attention to the issue of the Indo-Pacific as a discursive construct. It then turns to how the United States, Australia, Japan, India and China together contribute to the formation of this concept amid ongoing geopolitical anxieties about the shape and trajectory of future Asian regional order. While acknowledging China's role in this constitutive process, I argue that as a discursive construct the Indo-Pacific has been motivated primarily by geopolitical anxieties about a perceived emerging regional order dominated by China. Driven by such anxieties, the concept is not an innocent description of a natural region out there; it has the potential of fuelling regional rivalries and exacerbating security dilemmas. Given its possible destabilising consequences, the chapter concludes with a call for a critical reimagination of this now increasingly accepted term.

The China threat : perceptions, myths and reality

"Since the end of the Cold War, one of the most significant debates in international relations has been the question of whether the rise of China as a major economic, political and military power will be a force for stability or instability in the international system and the East Asian region. Forceful arguments have been put forward on both sides."
"This book examines perceptions of the 'China Threat', and governments' policies in response to the perceived threat in a wide range of countries, including the United States, Russia, Europe, Japan, South Asia, South-East Asia and the Middle East, as well as the perceptions of the Chinese themselves. For each country current security concerns and policies, especially the policy of engagement, are examined in detail, and future prospects for relations with China are assessed. As the Bush administration in Washington increasingly focuses on China as a 'strategic competitor' and Sino-US-relations become increasingly tense, the 'China Threat' issue has come to dominate the security agenda in the Asia-Pacific region, and now poses the biggest foreign policy challenge of the twenty-first century."