Landscape changes in Denpasar City

Denpasar City is one of cities in Bali Province which faces the problem of landscape change. Most land use is for rice fields, dry lands, crops, housing, grave yards, fish ponds, forests and other functions. Based on Agriculture Office, in 2010 Denpasar City has 20% rice fields of the city’s total area, compared to 41% rice fields of the city’s area in 1992. This shows that Denpasar landscape has changed from agriculture field to commerce, housing, industry etc. and that changing landscape also happened in several green belt areas. This fact is supported by the Agriculture Office report that Denpasar City lose rice field about 25 hectares every year. In contrast, Denpasar City must provide at least 30% of land for open spaces. Furthermore, Denpasar City should keep city based on traditional philosophy such as Tri Hita Karana concept, Rwa Bhineda concept, etc. This paper examines the causes of landscape changes due to growing of population, tourism facilities, economic, and lack of government policy. There are the negative impacts of landscape changes which are associated with social economics and environmental issues. This study seeks to offer guidance for the legitimate use of landscape planning for sustainability development in Denpasar City. Some recommendations could be applied such as prevention of population growth, tourism development base, strict building regulation and increase tax property, and provide the policy and institutional options in land use planning.

Boom and bust in Australian screen policy: 10BA, the Film Finance Corporation, and Hollywood's 'race to the bottom'.

In recent years, a narrative has emerged in the Australian popular media about the box office 'unpopularity' of Australian feature films and the 'failure' of the domestic screen industry. This article explores the recent history of Australian screen policy with particular reference to the '10BA' tax incentive of the 1980s; the Film Finance Corporation of Australia (FFC), a government screen agency established in 1988 to bring investment bank-style portfolio management to Australia's screen industry; and local production incentive policies pursed by Australian state governments in a chase for Hollywood's runaway production.

We argue the 10BA incentive catalysed an unsustainable bubble in Australian production, while its policy successor, the FFC, fundamentally failed in its stated mission of 'commercial' screen financing (over its 20-year lifespan, the FFC invested 1.345 billion Australian dollars for 274.2 million Australian dollars recouped - a cumulative return of negative 80 percent). For their part, private investors in Australian films discovered that the screen production process involved high levels of risk.

Foreign-financed production also proved highly volatile, due to the vagaries of trade exposure, currency fluctuations and tax arbitrage. The result of these macro and micro-economic factors often structural and cross-border in nature was that Australia's screen industry failed to develop the local investment infrastructure required to finance a sustainable, non-subsidised local sector.

Law, governance and risk: deconstructing the public-private divide in climate change adaptation

The article focuses on the public–private divide in law and which organizes principles for and governance. It analyzes the governance model of public–private divide regarding for climate change adaptation in context to a case study of water governance and flood risk. It compares the relationship between state and individual laws which helps in policy setting.

An exercise in good government: Fukuzawa Yukichi on emigration and nation-building

Fukuzawa Yukichi penned a series of articles from 1884 to 1896 on why the Japanese must emigrate and settle abroad. Most striking is Fukuzawa's opposition to any legislation preventing the movement of Japanese subjects abroad, including rural women who migrated with the purpose of engaging in prostitution abroad. According to Fukuzawa, the challenge facing Japanese government policy makers was not at what point do you say "no" to poor rural women migrating abroad, but the opposite, at what point should you say "yes."

Health cosmopolitanism: melding universality and difference – the case of childbirth in post-conflict Timor Leste

ABSTRACTThis study will consider the case of TBAs (traditional birth attendants) under the health cosmopolitan banner. Fifteen interviews with health administrators, obstetricians, midwives, traditional birth attendants and women in Timor Leste, provide evidence : (1) that the WHO (1992) directive to dismiss the inclusion of TBAs within the formal maternity care system has been precipitous (2) that TBAs could, with adequate training in emergency obstetric techniques and hygienic practices, assist in meeting MDG No 5, and (3) that TBAs may assist in sustaining hybrid cosmologies and serving other cultural aims. Although Millennium Development Goals embrace the idea of the universal right to health, a human rights framework remains abstract and legalistic. I argue that health cosmopolitanism offers a more inclusive lens. Applied to maternity care it shifts childbirth to a central focus of government policy, obliges all nations to contribute international aid yet recognises the interpretation of complex needs at the local level. It defines a philosophy of care that is person-centred (not professional or institution-centred), ensures equal access to quality care (based not on ability to pay or other obstacles such as geographical distance) and choice of carer and modality (Western, traditional or hybrid). It underlines the argument here that TBAs trained in emergency obstetric care and hygiene and funded by international agencies would ensure every woman has a known carer, plus choice of location, modality and provider. Health cosmopolitanism thus embraces universality, individual autonomy, reciprocal respect and global responsibility.

Aboriginal people and local government. A Shepparton story

Sequential governments have created policies to deal with the "Aboriginal problem". None of these have been particularly successful. I contend that the absence of effective dialogue has been the cause of most failures. I also argue that future policies will also fail unless a dialogic approach of deep listening, respect and love is adopted.

Balancing the digital democratic deficit? E-government

This article responds to Thomas’s (2004) call for investigation into how the internet and World Wide Web are changing government in Australia. It first discusses e-government principles and policies at the federal level, and then investigates initiatives and events in one of Australia’s most populous municipalities, the City of Casey in Melbourne’s southeast. The objective of this approach is to understand the broader context of e-government policy formulation in Australia, and connect this to the level of local government in order to understand the features and dynamics of existing e-government mechanisms. The evidence generated from this approach reveals an imbalance between service delivery and civic engagement in e-government strategies, with the emphasis on consumer-oriented service delivery far outweighing civic participation and political dialogue. The analysis that follows outlines actual and potential political problems flowing from this imbalance — or ‘digital democratic deficit’ — and offers suggestions on how equilibrium might be restored.

Indigenous voices and mediatized policy-making in the digital age

This article explores the potential of emerging digital cultures for Indigenous participation in policy debates in the rapidly changing Australian media landscape. From the Zapatista's ‘netwar’ to the ‘hashtag activism’ of IdleNoMore, Indigenous people have pioneered innovative uses of digital media for global connectivity and contestation. Digital and social media open up unprecedented opportunities for voice, and, in theory, participation in decision-making. But there is limited understanding about how Indigenous voices are heard at times of major policy reform, and whether increased participation in digital media necessarily leads to increased democratic participation. Leading Indigenous commentators in Australia suggest an inability of governments and other influential players to listen sits at the heart of the failure of Indigenous policy. This article presents two contemporary Australian case studies that showcase Indigenous participatory media response to government policy initiatives: first, the diverse reaction in social media to the government-sponsored campaign for constitutional reform to acknowledge Australia's First Peoples, branded as Recognise and second, the social media-driven movement #sosblakaustralia, protesting against the forced closure of remote Aboriginal communities. This article brings together theories of political participation, media change and listening to ask whether key democratic institutions, including the mainstream news media and political decision-makers, can engage with the proliferation of Indigenous voices enabled by participatory media. We argue that while the digital media environment allows diverse Indigenous voices to be represented, recent scholarship on participation and listening extends the analysis to ask which voices are heard as politics is increasingly mediatized.

Balancing the digital democratic deficit? E-Government

This article responds to Thomas's (2004) call for investigation into how the internet and World Wide Web are changing government in Australia. It first discusses e-government principles and policies at the federal level, and then investigates initiatives and events in one of Australia's most populous municipalities, the City of Casey in Melbourne's southeast. The objective of this approach is to understand the broader context of e-government policy formulation in Australia, and connect this to the level of local government in order to understand the features and dynamics of existing e-government mechanisms. The evidence generated from this approach reveals an imbalance between service delivery and civic engagement in e-government strategies, with the emphasis on consumer-oriented service delivery far outweighing civic participation and political dialogue. The analysis that follows outlines actual and potential political problems flowing from this imbalance - or 'digital democratic deficit' - and offers suggestions on how equilibrium might be restored.

Public perceptions of the causes and prevention of obesity among primary school children

OBJECTIVE: To investigate lay perceptions of the causes and prevention of obesity among primary school children.

DESIGN: A cross-sectional survey of randomly selected sample of adults in a shopping centre.

SUBJECTS: 315 adults in Melbourne, Australia.

MEASUREMENTS: Subjects completed a self-completion questionnaire, in which they rated the importance of 25 possible causes of obesity and the importance of 13 preventive measures on four-point scales: not important; quite important; very important; extremely important. Demographic information about the respondents' age, sex, marital status, education level and parental status was also collected.

RESULTS: The most important reported causes of childhood obesity were related to overconsumption of unhealthy food, parental responsibility, modern technology and the mass media. The most popular prevention activities were associated with specific actions aimed at children. Principal components analysis of the causes data revealed eight factors, provisionally named: parental responsibility, modern technology and media, overconsumption of unhealthy food, children's lack of knowledge and motivation, physical activity environment, lack of healthy food, lack of physical activity and genes. Two prevention factors were also derived, named government action and children's health promotion. Parents saw modern technology and media, and government activities as more important causes, and government policy as a more important means of prevention than nonparents and men. Women's responses tended to be similar to those of parents. There were few educational differences, although nontertiary educated respondents reported that modern technology and media were more important causes of obesity than did the tertiary educated.

CONCLUSION: The findings suggest that the public appears to hold quite sophisticated views of the causes and prevention of children's obesity. They suggest that a number of prevention strategies would be widely supported by the public, especially by parents.

Just 'good and bad news'? Disciplinary imaginaries of head teachers in Australian and English print media

Australian and English print media are actively engaged in producing reports that claim to find the 'best schools', the 'real state of education', and 'star head teachers'. This article considers the production of knights and dames, maverick heads and struggling schools. It argues that some of these stories are clearly the products of departmental press bureau activities and policy agendas. It shows, however, that even those stories intended to critique government policy support paradoxically a notion of the singular importance of the headship and the virtues of heroic leadership. It is suggested that the simulacrum of the heroic head works as a normative disciplinary device for performative and market practices and is singularly off-putting to both serving and aspirant school leaders.

Super Blooper? Time to halt the superannuation juggernaut?

The superannuation industry has increased almost exponentially in Australia over the past decade. The main reason for this is because government  regulation compels employers to pay a fixed portion of employees’ salary  towards superannuation. In this article we suggest that the unremitting  government policy of coercing money towards superannuation is flawed. Superannuation is wrong at two levels. First, on an economic analysis, the evidence does not suggest that (i) individuals who invest in superannuation are necessarily better off than those who apply their income elsewhere; and (ii) there is no evidence that absent a coercive superannuation scheme the government will be unable to sustain people into their old age. Second, at the human and societal level, studies of human well-being show that coercing people to make spending decisions is inimical to human happiness. People flourish best when they are in control of their activities, including their finances. Left to their own devices, many people will not save for a rainy day; however, on balance it is probably better off to be a bit poorer in retirement than to have been deprived of the opportunity to spend 9% of one’s income over the period of one’s working life – when one’s needs are the greatest. Compulsory superannuation should be abolished. Money currently paid as a compulsory superannuation contribution should instead be paid to the employee as a salary.

Identity in multicultural societies: who do we think we are?

This paper examines identity issues in multicultural Australia. In its extreme, negative form, assumptions that certain characteristics apply to all members of an ethnic group can be attributed to racism. However, the belief that individuals who share the same ethnic background have similar needs, interests and perceptions is also reflected in business, government policy and academic research. Often, ethnic groupings used for research and policy formulation are very broad and fail to take into account within-group differences. The criteria used to assess an individuals membership of an ethnic group can be problematic. Criteria based purely on objective measures such as country of birth or ethnic ancestry do not take into account acculturation processes or the degree to which individuals consider themselves to be 'ethnic '. These objective measures are complicated further as individuals may have ethnic roots from multiple countries depending on their family composition over several generations. This theory-focused paper proposes that ethnic identity should be viewed as a subjective phenomenon where individuals are likely to align themselves with the ethnic background to which they most identify. This has implications for research and policy making in multicultural societies.