79 resultados para INDIGENOUS PEOPLES


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AbstractThe latest Australian Commonwealth Government Close the Gap Report reveals the circumstances of many of Australia’s Indigenous Peoples are either stagnant or going backwards. This paper argues that such ongoing injustice is a consequence of systemic racism that has been perpetuated since colonization and sustained in the twenty first century by discussion or mention of racism being taboo. A counter colonial educational framework is then provided that has the potential to address such institutional racism. The paper begins by providing a definition of systemic racism. Following this there is a brief explanation of the unique geographical context and the racist history of colonization in Australia. The nature of remote communities, the link between traditional law, country and identity will be outlined. Based on readily available sources such as media reports, social media links, and public policy announcements by government the paper then reflects on what has been reported about closure of remote communities in Western Australia. Government policy, announcements and events of the past year will be described and critically discussed in light of the definition of racism provided at the beginning of the article. The proposed framework requires self-reflexivity of organisations and individuals with a particular focus on aspects of sovereignty, healing, re-learning history and starting with a focus on agency instead of deficit. Being guided by this framework has the potential to avoid arbitrarily forcing people from their physical, spiritual and ancestral home, though this is likely to be a long term proposition rather than a quick fix.

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Public participation in medical research and biobanking is considered key to advances in scientific discovery and translation to improved health care. Cultural concerns relating to blood have been found to affect the participation of indigenous peoples and minorities in research, but such concerns are rarely specified in the literature. This article presents a review of the role of blood in Australian Aboriginal cultures. We discuss the range of meanings and uses of blood in traditional culture, including their use in ceremonies, healing, and sorcery. We draw on more recent literature on Aboriginal Australians and biomedicine to consider how traditional beliefs may be changing over time. These findings provide an empirical basis for researchers and bioethicists to develop culturally grounded strategies to boost the participation of Aboriginal Australians in biomedical research. They also serve as a model for integrating anthropological literature with bioethical concerns that could be applied to other indigenous and minority groups.

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These words were penned in 1867 by Father Venancio Garrido, a Benedictine monk at New Norcia Aboriginal mission in Western Australia (see Map 4.1). They form part of his lengthy report on the mission which was requested by the Colonial Secretary to be forwarded to the Aborigines Protection Society in London. In 1871 Father Garrido’s report was collated alongside other ‘information’ about Aborigines in Western Australia that had been collected by missionaries and government agents, and was printed by the government printer. The above statement suggests two issues which I will draw out in this chapter: the Aboriginal residents at New Norcia had a strong sense of right and wrong; and the Benedictine community at New Norcia considered them to be the original owners of the land which was, in 1867, increasingly occupied by pastoralists.

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This paper focuses particularly on how the notion of collective cultural rights is understood in Asia and how such rights are recognized in law and enforced through governmental policy. The discussion links the notions of cultural rights and cultural heritage, drawing inspiration from Comment No. 21 of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (2009) which asserts that everyone has the right to take part in cultural life and that “the obligations to respect and to protect freedoms, cultural heritage and cultural diversity are interconnected.” Efforts to protect and enhance human rights can only take place within states, and the record in Asian countries is very mixed. First and second generation human rights, with their emphasis on the individual, are sometimes regarded as Western in origin and character, while third generation collective cultural rights have been closely associated with Indigenous peoples, commonly living as minorities within European settler societies in the New World. Unlike Europe, Africa and the Americas, Asia does not have a regional intergovernmental human rights charter. Using case studies of China, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam the paper seeks to show why there is no Asian charter and asks what would it look like if there was one.

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This article considers the ‘duplicitous’ functions of the word ‘wild’ in the arguments over the Queensland’s Wild Rivers Act 2005. Certain traditional owners, environmentalist and state groups have deployed the term pragmatically, simultaneously endorsing its usage (through repetition) and disavowing its colonial associations (through explanation) against protestations by Indigenous and non-Indigenous stakeholders. In a sense, this ambivalent ‘duplicity’ is entirely consistent with relations between the settler-colonial nation state and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander polities – relations aptly characterised by Povinelli as shaped by ‘the cunning of recognition’ – which stratify relations between groups through the endorsing of ‘tradition’. Thus ‘the Indigenous’ can be posited both as one political minority amidst a multicultural polity and as a pre-modern and endemic precursor of the settler-colonial nation, constitutively conservationist ‘first Australians’. Arguably, in the legislation’s ‘recognition’ of the ‘wild’ past, Indigenous peoples – who were known in nineteenth century Queensland as ‘wild blacks’ or ‘myalls’ (meaning those who resisted leaving their lands – and ‘could be shot with impunity’) are recouped as the nation’s first caretakers of ‘pristine’ waterways. However, this article regards the current use of this ambivalent word as also potentially authorising those recognised through this mythic form, providing a limited and uncertain opportunity for traditional owners to ground a form of sovereign right in lands and waterways. Against totalising settler-colonial critiques of hegemony, this article argues that the Wild Rivers legislation does not forget indigeneity, but rather relies on indigeneity. While much research concerning ‘natural’ ideologies such as ‘the noble savage’ has worked to show that faith in a belated era of historical fullness or presence can serve to evacuate the present of material details, it may also be that the ‘wild’ can also offer Indigenous peoples a valuable political authority to, in the words of Courtney Jung, ‘contest the exclusions through which it has been constituted’.

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As much scholarship has shown over the past decades, settler attitudes to Indigenous peoples thrived on difference and righteousness — the latter not in a religious sense (necessarily) but in an absolute conviction, one sunk deep into the settler heart, of the moral and material just-ness of their usurpation of Indigenous country. This conviction sanctioned settler violence and outlawed Indigenous resistance. Difference not only denied the humanity in the Indigenous face; it made the people objects of curiosity, to be quickly described, analysed and catalogued for science before they ‘disappeared’ as naturally as one season disappears into another.

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The strand of whakapapa - genealogy - weaves through Māori women educators '. Pedagogy This article is based on research carried out with three eminent Māori women educators from Aotearoa New Zealand, which answered the question' what is Māori women educators 'pedagogy?' The research used the Indigenous kaupapa Māori research methodology, which is based on Māori worldviews. From the research I developed a metaphor, which was based on a style of Māori weaving called whatu to articulate Māori women educators pedagogy. A crucial element of the metaphor was the whenu - the warp The whenu represented tikanga -.. whānau and hapū values, traditions and belief systems The data in my research, suggests that identity and in particular whakapapa, a strand of the whenu, were a fundamental aspect of Māori women educators' pedagogy. This article discusses whakapapa and its integral relationship with each of three themes of Māori women educators' pedagogy and how they interact.

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From 1 to 10 September 2016, thousands of leaders and decision-makers from government, civil society, indigenous peoples, business and academia will gather together in Honolulu (Hawaii) to share ideas on how to improve the ways we manage the natural environment for human, social and economic development. Held every four years, the IUCN World Conservation Congress (WCC) focuses on joint progress in ways to protect biodiversity, a crucial factor in addressing some of our greatest challenges today, such as tackling climate change and achieving food security.

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The Home and Community Care (HACC) program in Australia provides services which supports older people to live at home. Individual HACC organisations are generally responsible for initial assessment of eligibility and need of clients presenting for services. This paper reports on a project which aimed to develop an understanding of the various approaches to assessment of client needs in Central Australia. The majority of clients in this geographical area are indigenous. The project was initiated in recognition of the primary importance of assessment in determining service access and service delivery and of the particular challenges faced by service providers in remote areas. This paper discusses key project findings including the client group and services provided, initial needs assessment and care planning processes. Evident inconsistencies in practice reflect a variety of complex contextual factors. Staff in remote areas have an inadequate knowledge base to draw upon to assist them with assessment and care planning decisions, and further research and professional development is required.

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This article reports on a qualitative research study undertaken with Indigenous government employees to explore ways in which Indigenous communities can access programs involving caring for Country' (knowledge, responsibility and inherent right to protect the traditional natural landscape) on their traditional land and, in so doing. improve their health. Factors that optimise such nature-based projects are the capacity of their intention to build relationships, consultation. transparency, consistency, education and training between Indigenous communities. government and the general public. Government agencies need to develop strategies where partnership and collaboration are effective with Indigenous communities and within the agencies themselves, in order to resolve controversial issues surrounding access to Country.

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The thesis is a culmination of my research which drew on tyangi wedi tjan Rak Mak Mak Marranunggu and Marrithiel knowledge systems. These awa mirr spiritual knowledge systems have guided our Pilu for millennium and have powerful spiritual affiliation to the land and our continued presences. The understandings of the spiritual connectedness and our practices of relatedness have drawn on Pulitj, our deep awa mirr spiritual philosophy that nourishes us on our country. This philosophy gave us our voice and our presence to act in our own ways of knowing and being on the landscapes created by the Western bureaucratic systems of higher education in Australia to bring forth our Tyikim knowledge systems to serve our own educational interests. From this spiritual ‘Puliyana kunun’ philosophical position the thesis examines colonising constructions of Tyikim peoples, Tyikim knowledge systems in education, Tyikim research and access to higher education for Tyikim students. From the research, it is argued that the paradigm, within which the enclave-derived approach to Indigenous higher education is located, is compatible with the normalising imperialistic ideology of higher education. The analysis of the Mirrwana/Wurrkama participatory action research project, central to the research, supported an argument for the Mirrwana/Wurrkama model of Indigenous higher education. Further analysis identified five key pedagogical principles embedded within this new model as metaphorically equivalent to wilan~bu of the pelangu. The thesis identifies the elements of the spirituality of the narrative exposed in the research-in-action through the “Marri kubin mi thit wa!”. This is a new paradigm for Tyikim participation in higher education within which the Mirrwana/Wurrkama model is located. Finally, the thesis identifies the scope for Tyikim knowledge use in the construction of contemporary ‘bureaucratic and institutionalised’ higher education ngun nimbil thit thit teaching and learning experiences of Tyikim for the advancement of Tyikim interests. Here the tyangi yigin tjan spiritual concepts of narrative and landscape are drawn upon both awa mirr metaphorically and in marri kubin mi thit wa Tyikim pedagogical practice.

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Summary Despite targeted attempts to reduce post-fracture care gaps, we hypothesized that a larger care gap would be experienced by First Nations compared to non-First Nations people. First Nations peoples were eight times less likely to receive post-fracture care compared to non-First Nations peoples, representing a clinically significant ethnic difference in post-fracture care.

Introduction First Nations peoples are the largest group of aboriginal (indigenous or native) peoples in Canada. Canadian First Nations peoples have a greater risk of fracture compared to non-First Nations peoples. We hypothesized that ethnicity might be associated with a larger gap in post-fracture care.

Methods Non-traumatic major osteoporotic fractures for First Nations and non-First Nations peoples aged ≥50 years were identified from a population-based data repository for Manitoba, Canada between April 1996 and March 2002. Logistic regression analysis was used to examine the probability of receiving a BMD test, a diagnosis of osteoporosis, or beginning an osteoporosis-related drug in the 6 months post-fracture.

Results A total of 11,234 major osteoporotic fractures were identified; 502 occurred in First Nations peoples. After adjustment for confounding covariates, First Nations peoples were less likely to receive a BMD test [odds ratio (OR) 0.1, 95% confidence interval (CI), 0.0–0.5], osteoporosis-related drug treatment (OR, 0.5; 95% CI, 0.3–0.7), or a diagnosis of osteoporosis (OR, 0.5; 95% CI, 0.3–0.7) following a fracture compared to non-First Nations peoples. Females were more likely to have a BMD test (OR, 5.0; 95% CI, 2.6–9.3), to be diagnosed with osteoporosis (OR, 1.7; 95% CI, 1.5–2.0), and to begin drug treatment (OR, 4.1; 95% CI, 2.7–6.4) compared to males.

Conclusions An ethnicity difference in post-fracture care was observed. Further work is needed to elucidate underlying mechanisms for this difference and to determine whether failure to initiate treatment originates with the medical practitioner, the patient, or a combination of both. It is imperative that all residents of Manitoba receive efficacious and equal care post-fracture, regardless of ethnicity.

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Informal sentencing procedures in remote Indigenous communities of Australia have been occurring for some time, but it was in the late 1990s that formalization of the practice began in urban areas with the advent of Indigenous sentencing and circle courts. These circle courts emerged primarily to address the over-representation and incarceration of Indigenous people in the criminal justice system. The first Indigenous urban court was assembled in Port Adelaide, South Australia in June 1999 and was named the Nunga Court. Courts emerging since in other states are based on the Nunga Court model, although they have been adapted to suit local conditions. The practice of circle sentencing was introduced in New South Wales (NSW) in Nowra in February 2002.

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Aboriginal people across Australia suffer significant health inequalities compared with the non-Indigenous population. Evidence indicates that inroads can be made to reduce these inequalities by better understanding social and cultural determinants of health, applying holistic notions of health and developing less rigid definitions of wellbeing. The following article draws on qualitative research on Victorian Aboriginal peoples' relationship to their traditional land (known as Country) and its link to wellbeing, in an attempt to tackle this. Concepts of wellbeing, Country and nature have also been reviewed to gain an understanding of this relationship. An exploratory framework has been developed to understand this phenomenon focusing on positive (e.g., ancestry and partnerships) and negative (e.g., destruction of Country and racism) factors contributing to Aboriginal peoples' health. The outcome is an explanation of how Country is a fundamental component of Aboriginal Victorian peoples' wellbeing and the framework articulates the forces that impact positively and negatively on this duality. This review is critical to improving not only Aboriginal peoples' health but also the capacity of all humanity to deal with environmental issues like disconnection from nature and urbanisation.