214 resultados para Australian foreign relations


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This thesis examines short fiction and some poetry by writers from four different Australian cultural communities, the Indigenous community, and the Jewish, Chinese and Middle-Eastern communities. I have chosen to study the most recent short fiction available from a selection of writing which originates from each culture. In the chapters on Chinese-Australian and Middle-Eastern Australian fiction I have examined some poetry if it contributes to the subject matter under discussion. In this study I show how the short story form is used as a platform for these writers to express views on their own cultures and on their identity within Australian society. Through a close examination of texts this study reveals the strategies by which many of these narratives provide an imaginative literary challenge to Anglo-Celtic cultural dominance, a challenge which contributes to the political nature of this writing and the shifting nature of the short story genre. This study shows that by celebrating difference these narratives can act as a site of resistance and show a capacity to reflect and instigate cultural change. This thesis examines the process by which these narratives create a dialogue between cultures and address the problems inherent in diverse cultural communities living together.

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[No Abstract]

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This thesis is an investigation of the relevance of ‘people's war’ to contemporary Chinese defence policy. This loose concept has been eroded by 'modernity’, but a guerilla-based defence remains the essential theme. Prior to China's acquisition of nuclear weapons, people's war was the sole element of the state's deterrent policy, aiming to swamp an invader with China's numerical strength. In the 1980s and beyond people's war finds effectiveness through a combination of materiel of middle range technology and the traditional usage of massive manpower. People's war under modern conditions remains essentially defensive, but now incorporates 'active defence’ with accent on greater mobility. However, the central thesis of this work relates to how the traditional strategy may influence nuclear doctrine. This thesis proposes that China could abandon long-range ballistic missiles and adopt a new concept in nuclear strategy: that of, Guerilla Nuclear Warfare. Trained in guerilla tactics and equipped with battlefield nuclear weapons, this would represent the logical extension of China's people's war strategy to the new nuclear conditions associated with superpower research into space-based ballistic missile defences and which, in full deployment, could nullify a Chinese nuclear deterrent based only on 'mid-tech' delivery systems. Guerilla Nuclear Warfare, as a strategy, would involve the irregular use of locally held and controlled tactical nuclear weapons, but it would also be a method of circumventing the proposed Soviet missile defence shield by not challenging it. Guerilla Nuclear Warfare does not exist in the late 1980s, but evidence exists to suggest its development. It cannot yet be proven as the new direction but China's strategic circumstances add weight to available indications: unless the Strategic Defence programs of the established superpowers are arrested then it appears the sole option available to the Chinese for the maintenance of a nuclear deterrent in the early part of the 21st Century.

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The thesis seeks to assess the concept of power in relation to Bosnia's experience after the Cold War. It argues that power is best conceptualised as compromising two parts: 'agent power' which involves an ability of an actor to directly influence another and 'impersonal governance' which refers to the indirect effects of power.

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Governments use fear to promote political objectives. Through the exaggeration of external threats, fear as conceptualised in the writings of Hobbes, Barry Buzan, David Campbell and others, became a major factor in shaping Australia's post-war foreign and defence policies which were also intended to serve the government's domestic political agenda.

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Looking mainly at the changing nature of the U.S.-Japan security alliance since 11 September 2001, this thesis argues that the recent emergence of a more assertive Japanese security policy has led to a more robust Chinese response to perceived security challenges from Tokyo and Washington.

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This thesis examines the Asian-African Conference at Bandung, Indonesia in 1955 from a broad historical perspective. It presents evidence that the assertion of independent Asian foreign policy - non-aligned and communist led by India and China - signalled a more significant, long-term shift in West-East realtions than has been previously identified.

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The most prominent interest in the 'Swedish model' in Australian political history came after a high-level union delegation visit in 1986 produced a major report titled Australia Reconstructed, which had the nominal endorsement of the Labor Government then in office. However, at this very time, the characteristics of the Swedish policy approach which were most admired by the visiting Australian unionists were undergoing important changes, to which they paid little attention but which critics from the Right strongly emphasized in response.

The Australian labour movement interest in Sweden in the 1980s had some distinctive features. It focused on manufacturing industry and skills training policy, reflecting priorities of the main participating unionists. It was also particularly concerned with industrial democracy and work design, as a result of important earlier links between Swedish, Norwegian and Australian industrial relations scholars and practitioners which were forged from the late 1960s. Increased interest in Sweden partly arose from the search for a new political vision by particular elements of the Australian Left following their disillusionment with the Soviet Union after the 1968 Prague Spring.

This article presents the results of interviews with participants and extensive archival research to provide new information and perspective on Scandinavian influences on the Australian labour movement; and the political background of the main people involved.

It also analyzes how discussion of the 'Swedish model' receded in Australia following the economic setbacks of the early 1990s amid a perception that 'the model' had collapsed, but how policy interest in the continuing evident achievements of Sweden and the other Nordic nations has gradually re-emerged in Australia since then, though in a somewhat different way to before.

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This article compares how two alliance partners of the United States — Australia and the Republic of Korea — are adjusting to the transition from the Cold War order in the Asia-Pacific to a new, as yet undefined regional order. As states occupying positions of privilege in the U.S.-led Cold War order, these two middle powers have engaged with the ASEAN grouping, the putative driver of the coming order, while maintaining traditional alliance commitments to the United States. This article focuses on proposals for the building of formal institutions and also other policies which can influence the formation of regional order, such as economic integration through the pursuit of free trade agreements. In examining an Asian and a non-Asian state, the article also considers how identity shapes attitudes to region and order.

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At a major speech at the Brookings Institution in Washington DC on March 31, 2008, Rudd indicated a new direction in Australian foreign policy concerning China. He focused on the concept of 'harmony', recognizing the key importance of China's role in a 'harmonious World 'as a' responsible stakeholder. '
Rudd declared that he looked to China's taking a vital role in the World 'in strengthening the global and regional rule-based order'. He has also highlighted the importance of treating China as a friend with much common ground but with whom honest, straight talk was a vital factor in the relationship.
I want to explore and explain the development and significance of Rudd's new approach to the concept of harmony and rule based order. I want to suggest that Rudd has pioneered a new direction in Australia's policies toward China. Rudd focuses on the ancient and developing concept of harmony into a rule-based order that is necessary to building a harmonious world.

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This article examines Stanley Melbourne Bruce's role as Australian high commissioner in London during the approach to the Second World War and the European War from 1939 to 1941. It argues that Bruce in this period was an influential high commissioner who strongly influenced Australian foreign policy and exercised some influence, albeit with limitations, on the British government. After 1933, Bruce had transformed the office of Australian high commissioner in London from a largely commercial position into one with real diplomatic influence. In the approach to war, Bruce tended to bolster the policy of appeasement on which the Chamberlain government was already decided and in the Phoney War his cautious arguments contributed to the delay of the Allied intervention in Norway. With the accession of Winston Churchill to the prime ministership in May 1940, Bruce lost some of the influence he had had with Neville Chamberlain and he was on the losing side of the argument inside the British Cabinet about the possibility of a negotiated peace in May–June 1940. Despite the limitations of his personal relationship with Churchill, he was nonetheless an influential voice with other British ministers and senior officials and with the US ambassador in London and key members of the Roosevelt administration. This equipped him to play an effective part in the emerging Anglo-American alliance and issues of post-war international reconstruction.