140 resultados para 950 History of Asia


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Since its inception in 1921, a number of successive regimes have sought to politicize Iraq‟s cultural history in order to develop national identity and foster social cohesion across this rich and complex nation. Foremost among these were the Baath party, particularly under the rule of Saddam Hussein, who used much of the nation‟s Oil wealth to undergo an extensive nation-building campaign. However, identity in Iraq is far from monolithic and various factions have long resisted the state sanctioned version of “Iraqi” identity and asserted alternative histories and narratives to underpin their own identity politics. With the invasion of Iraq by Coalition forces in 2003, however, came an unprecedented era of cultural destruction. Following the devastation of the battle phase of the war, there were further attacks on Iraq‟s cultural heritage including everything from the carefully choreographed removal of the giant bronze statue of Saddam in Firdos square, through to military bases set up at sensitive archaeological sites such as the ancient city of Babylon. In addition, Iraqi civilians targeted the cultural history of their nation with wanton looting and arson, as well as systematic attacks on sites of archaeological or ethno-religious significance. More recently, the Shia and Kurdish dominated Iraqi Government have organised the “Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era” and drew up plans to purge the state of its Sunni dominated past.

This paper argues that the unprecedented scale and magnitude of the destruction of Iraq‟s cultural history has played a part in eroding the various intersecting and overlapping versions of identity politics in Iraq. In turn, this has provided fertile ground for terrorists and sectarians to plant the seeds of their own narrow and deadly ideologies. This has brought about the rise of ethno-religious based violence and seen a series of bloody and protracted conflicts emerge between previously peaceful and compatible factions. In this way, Iraq serves as a powerful case study in furthering academic discussion on the complex inter-relationships between cultural and historical destruction and identity politics, sectarianism, violence and democracy.

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Since its inception in 1921, a number of successive regimes have sought to politicize Iraq’s cultural history in order to build nationalistic sentiment and social cohesion across this rich and complex nation. Foremost among these were the Baath party, particularly under the rule of Saddam Hussein, who used much of the nation’s Oil wealth to undergo an extensive nation-building campaign. However, with the invasion of Iraq by the US in 2003 came the deliberate destruction and blatant negligence of the occupying forces. In addition, Iraqi civilians targeted the cultural landscape of their nation with wanton looting and arson, as well as systematic attacks on sites of archaeological or ethno-religious significance. More recently, the Shia and Kurdish dominated Iraqi Government have organised the “Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era” and plan to purge the state of its Sunni dominated past. This paper argues that the destruction of Iraq’s cultural history has played a part in eroding the national identity that many of these symbols and institutions were designed to promulgate. In turn, this has brought about the rise of ethno/religious sectarianism in Iraq which has had particular implications for the nation’s fledgling democratic order.

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When migrating to Australia Asian women bring with them birthing cultural beliefs and practices, many of which are different from the Australian medical and cultural understanding of reproduction. Such cultural differences may result in conflicts between clients and health care providers especially when the migrants have a poor knowledge of English. The research investigates the maternity care experiences of Asian migrants in Tasmania. The barriers that Asian migrants face in accessing maternity care services and the factors that affect their views towards maternity care were also explored. A mix of quantitative and qualitative methods was employed. Ten women from different ethnic minorities were invited to semi-structured interviews. The qualitative data were analysed using grounded theory. Findings from the interviews were utilized to design a survey questionnaire. Of the 150 survey questionnaires posted, 121 questionnaires were returned. Descriptive statistics and Chi-square tests of independence were used to analyse the quantitative data. Asian migrants followed some traditional practices such as having good rest and eating hot food during the postpartum month. However, they tended to adapt or disregard traditional practices that were no longer applicable in the new environment including the practices of not washing or having a shower. Support is vital for women recovering after childbirth to prevent postnatal depression. Two main barriers migrant women face in accessing health care are language and cultural barriers. Country of origin, partner’s ethnicity, religion and length of stay in Australia are factors that shape the migrants’ views and attitudes towards and experience of maternity care. Providing interpreting services, social support for migrant women and improving the cross-cultural training for healthcare providers are recommended to improve available maternal care services. The factors that affect migrants’ view on maternity care should be taken into account when providing maternity care for Asian migrant women.

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