125 resultados para Behavioral economics


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The growth of the agricultural economics profession in Australia is evaluated within the context of government policy. Particular economists and agricultural economists were instrumental in questioning the government's policy approach to agriculture. Their life work is assessed to ascertain their legacy to this country through their research, teaching and writing.

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The practice of excluding meat from Adventist schools is at odds with the practice of many Adventists, and the Church which, while recommending vegetarianism, does not require it. The study investigates vegetarianism and explores the origin and aims of home economics, education and Seventh-day Adventism. These components were considered according to the three cognitive interests of the philosopher Jurgen Habermas.

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Data from questionnaires mailed to post-primary home economics teachers suggests that they possess untapped knowledge and expertise that could be used in intersectoral approaches to health promotion outside classroom teaching.

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The Commission on Graduate Education in Economics had raised several concerns regarding the role of mathematics in graduate training in economics (Krueger, 1991; Colander, 1998, 2005). This paper undertakes a detailed scrutiny of the notion of a utility function to motivate and describe the common patterns across mathematical concepts and results that are used by economists. In the process one arrives at a classification of mathematical terms which is used to state mathematical results in economics. The usefulness of the classification scheme is illustrated with the help of a discussion of Arrow's impossibility theorem. Common knowledge of the patterns in mathematical concepts and results could be effective in enhancing communication between students, teachers and researchers specializing in different sub-fields of economics.

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Any attempt to model an economy requires foundational assumptions about the relations between prices, values and the distribution of wealth. These assumptions exert a profound influence over the results of any model. Unfortunately, there are few areas in economics as vexed as the theory of value. I argue in this paper that the fundamental problem with past theories of value is that it is simply not possible to model the determination of value, the formation of prices and the distribution of income in a real economy with analytic mathematical models. All such attempts leave out crucial processes or make unrealistic assumptions which significantly affect the results. There have been two primary approaches to the theory of value. The first, associated with classical economists such as Ricardo and Marx were substance theories of value, which view value as a substance inherent in an object and which is conserved in exchange. For Marxists, the value of a commodity derives solely from the value of the labour power used to produce it - and therefore any profit is due to the exploitation of the workers. The labour theory of value has been discredited because of its assumption that labour was the only ‘factor’ that contributed to the creation of value, and because of its fundamentally circular argument. Neoclassical theorists argued that price was identical with value and was determined purely by the interaction of supply and demand. Value then, was completely subjective. Returns to labour (wages) and capital (profits) were determined solely by their marginal contribution to production, so that each factor received its just reward by definition. Problems with the neoclassical approach include assumptions concerning representative agents, perfect competition, perfect and costless information and contract enforcement, complete markets for credit and risk, aggregate production functions and infinite, smooth substitution between factors, distribution according to marginal products, firms always on the production possibility frontier and firms’ pricing decisions, ignoring money and credit, and perfectly rational agents with infinite computational capacity. Two critical areas include firstly, the underappreciated Sonnenschein-Mantel- Debreu results which showed that the foundational assumptions of the Walrasian general-equilibrium model imply arbitrary excess demand functions and therefore arbitrary equilibrium price sets. Secondly, in real economies, there is no equilibrium, only continuous change. Equilibrium is never reached because of constant changes in preferences and tastes; technological and organisational innovations; discoveries of new resources and new markets; inaccurate and evolving expectations of businesses, consumers, governments and speculators; changing demand for credit; the entry and exit of firms; the birth, learning, and death of citizens; changes in laws and government policies; imperfect information; generalized increasing returns to scale; random acts of impulse; weather and climate events; changes in disease patterns, and so on. The problem is not the use of mathematical modelling, but the kind of mathematical modelling used. Agent-based models (ABMs), objectoriented programming and greatly increased computer power however, are opening up a new frontier. Here a dynamic bargaining ABM is outlined as a basis for an alternative theory of value. A large but finite number of heterogeneous commodities and agents with differing degrees of market power are set in a spatial network. Returns to buyers and sellers are decided at each step in the value chain, and in each factor market, through the process of bargaining. Market power and its potential abuse against the poor and vulnerable are fundamental to how the bargaining dynamics play out. Ethics therefore lie at the very heart of economic analysis, the determination of prices and the distribution of wealth. The neoclassicals are right then that price is the enumeration of value at a particular time and place, but wrong to downplay the critical roles of bargaining, power and ethics in determining those same prices.

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Despite a growing acceptance of the value of evolutionary approaches to understanding the natural world there has been relatively little attention paid to evolutionary ideas in sociology, socio-cultural anthropology, and — of particular relevance for this special issue — criminology and forensic/correctional psychology. The aim of this paper is to provide an introductory overview of evolutionary approaches to human behavior with a focus on illuminating the role they can play in enriching our understanding of criminal and antisocial behavior. We begin with an overview of the main approaches to applying evolutionary theory to human behavior and we suggest that a pluralistic perspective is most likely to advance conceptual and empirical work in the field. We then turn to a brief discussion of some common, but misguided criticisms of this approach. Some of the more substantive conceptual and methodological issues that evolutionary approaches need to address are then explored. Finally, we engage with the broader issues that relate to the role of evolutionary explanations in the social and behavioral sciences.

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This paper provides a theoretical discussion on what analytical insight is gained by viewing religion as both a pure and impure public good. It suggests that organized religion converts a public good into an excludable club good and can be viewed as providing both an access regime for this club good as well as acting as an intermediary. Interestingly, this drives a wedge between the ardent and moderate adherents of a religion. It also presents an analysis of trust in social relationships when organized religion works to provide a credible signal of trustworthiness.

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Recent developments in ecological statistics have reached behavioral ecology, and an increasing number of studies now apply analytical tools that incorporate alternatives to the conventional null hypothesis testing based on significance levels. However, these approaches continue to receive mixed support in our field. Because our statistical choices can influence research design and the interpretation of data, there is a compelling case for reaching consensus on statistical philosophy and practice. Here, we provide a brief overview of the recently proposed approaches and open an online forum for future discussion (https://bestat.ecoinformatics.org/). From the perspective of practicing behavioral ecologists relying on either correlative or experimental data, we review the most relevant features of information theoretic approaches, Bayesian inference, and effect size statistics. We also discuss concerns about data quality, missing data, and repeatability. We emphasize the necessity of moving away from a heavy reliance on statistical significance while focusing attention on biological relevance and effect sizes, with the recognition that uncertainty is an inherent feature of biological data. Furthermore, we point to the importance of integrating previous knowledge in the current analysis, for which novel approaches offer a variety of tools. We note, however, that the drawbacks and benefits of these approaches have yet to be carefully examined in association with behavioral data. Therefore, we encourage a philosophical change in the interpretation of statistical outcomes, whereas we still retain a pluralistic perspective for making objective statistical choices given the uncertainties around different approaches in behavioral ecology. We provide recommendations on how these concepts could be made apparent in the presentation of statistical outputs in scientific papers.