What can we say about 112,000 taps on a Ndjebbana touch screen?

This paper reports on the use of touch screens to display simple talking books in a minority Indigenous Australian language. Three touch screens are located in an informal context in a remote Indigenous Australian community. The popularity of the computers can be explained by the form of the touch screen and by the intertextual and hybrid nature of the talking books. The results suggest the Kunibidji choose to transform their own culture by including new digital technologies which represent their societal practice

Making meaning from collective apologies : Australia's apology to its indigenous peoples

This article considers the meaning of intergroup apologies for their recipients. Our research examined Indigenous people’s responses to the 2008 Australian apology to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples forcibly removed from their families under previous governments (the Stolen Generations). We interviewed Indigenous men (n=10) and women (n=22) about their attitudes toward the apology and forgiveness. To cover the breadth of Indigenous responses to the Australian apology, we sought out participants from diverse geographic, cultural, and occupational contexts across Australia. After pooling the transcripts and entering them into NVivo, we identified key concepts and themes. Participants expressed positive, negative, and mixed views toward the apology and forgiveness. A dominant theme emerged as participants indicated that for the apology to be truly meaningful, there needed to be action commensurate with the emotion of the apology. Though participants indicated that the apology promoted reconciliation, this was not true for forgiveness. We conclude by discussing implications of these findings for theoretical models of intergroup apology.

The 'country' within : the challenges for landscape architecture to legitimatise its residency on terra nullius

The nexus between the landscape architecture profession and the Australian Indigenous communities about place and 'country' has been floundering despite recent events in history, including recognition of native title by the High Court in Mabo v the State of Queensland [No. 2] (1992) 175 CLR 1 that have heightened recognition of the rights, interests, needs and aspirations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia and internationally.

A systematic approach to chronic heart failure care : a consensus statement

The National Heart Foundation of Australia assembled an expert panel to provide guidance on policy and system changes to improve the quality of care for people with chronic heart failure (CHF). The recommendations have the potential to reduce emergency presentations, hospitalisations and premature death among patients with CHF. Best-practice management of CHF involves evidencebased, multidisciplinary, patient-centred care, which leads to better health outcomes. A CHF care model is required to achieve this. Although CHF management programs exist, ensuring access for everyone remains a challenge. This is particularly so for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, those from non-metropolitan areas and lower socioeconomic backgrounds, and culturally and linguistically diverse populations. Lack of data and inadequate identifi cation of people with CHF prevents effi cient patient monitoring, limiting information to improve or optimise care. This leads to ineff ectiveness in measuring outcomes and evaluating the CHF care provided. Expanding current cardiac registries to include patients with CHF and developing mechanisms to promote data linkage across care transitions are essential. As the prevalence of CHF rises, the demand for multidisciplinary workforce support will increase. Workforce planning should provide access to services outside of large cities, one of the main challenges it is currently facing. To enhance community-based management of CHF, general practitioners should be empowered to lead care. Incentive arrangements should favour provision of care for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and rural areas, and culturally and linguistically diverse populations. Ongoing research is vital to improving systems of care for people with CHF. Future research activity needs to ensure the translation of valuable knowledge and high quality evidence into practice.

Mental Health First Aid: an international programme for early intervention.

AIM: To describe the development of the Mental Health First Aid (MHFA) programme in Australia, its roll-out in other countries and evaluation studies which have been carried out. METHODS: A description of the programme's development and evaluation, its cultural adaptations and its dissemination in seven countries. RESULTS: The programme was developed in Australia in 2001. By the end of 2007, there were 600 instructors and 55,000 people trained as mental health first aiders. A number of evaluations have been carried out, including two randomized controlled trials that showed changes in knowledge, attitudes and first aid behaviours. Special adaptations of the course have been rolled out for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and some non-English speaking immigrant groups. The course has spread to seven other countries with varying degrees of penetration. In all countries, the programme has been initially supported by government funding. Independent evaluations have been carried out in Scotland and Ireland. CONCLUSIONS: The concept of first aid by the public for physical health crises is familiar in many countries. This has made it relatively easy to extend this approach to early intervention by members of the public for mental disorders and crises. Through MHFA training, the whole of a community can assist formal mental health services in early intervention for mental disorders.

De-colonizing amnesia: refusing false consciousness

When considering research discourses that pertain to Indigenous knowledges there is a constant reference to the positioning of the researcher in terms of their own cultural background and cultural understandings. This, of course, is related to the empowerment and importance of Indigenous research by Indigenous voices. This is particularly important within the context of Australia in relation Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander research. My analysis identifies and defines how the notion of ideology contributes to an amnesiac condition in Australia, one that underlines understandings of culture. It is vital to elaborate that the premise of amnesia is predicated on ideology itself. This has wider implications for the many cultures that have experienced the act of colonisation. The aim of this paper is to propose and elaborate a way of thinking about amnesia as premised on ideology. In order to do so, it is necessary to unravel and critique western notions of ideology especially those based on Louis Althusser’s elaboration of ideology as being based on an imaginary condition of existence (Althusser 1971). I have selected an Althusserian ideology in order to conduct a comparative analysis within an Indigenous framework. In this context, Althusserian ideology is an exemplar of representationalist thinking that continues to be dominant and endemic in western representationalist thinking. By identifying this gap, I provide an alternative framework of ideology based on the “real” and integrated conditions of existence that operate in an Indigenous ideology and culture and its ritualised practices. It is this alternative framework that can provide a new way of looking and thinking about how ideology can be reconfigured in their relationship with culture. It is here that relationality prevails. My argument operates within this space. It is within this space that I emphasise the importance of Land (“Country”) in order to demonstrate a “real” alternative ideology that is not based on the imaginary.

Duplicity of meaning

This article considers the ‘duplicitous’ functions of the word ‘wild’ in the arguments over the Queensland’s Wild Rivers Act 2005. Certain traditional owners, environmentalist and state groups have deployed the term pragmatically, simultaneously endorsing its usage (through repetition) and disavowing its colonial associations (through explanation) against protestations by Indigenous and non-Indigenous stakeholders. In a sense, this ambivalent ‘duplicity’ is entirely consistent with relations between the settler-colonial nation state and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander polities – relations aptly characterised by Povinelli as shaped by ‘the cunning of recognition’ – which stratify relations between groups through the endorsing of ‘tradition’. Thus ‘the Indigenous’ can be posited both as one political minority amidst a multicultural polity and as a pre-modern and endemic precursor of the settler-colonial nation, constitutively conservationist ‘first Australians’. Arguably, in the legislation’s ‘recognition’ of the ‘wild’ past, Indigenous peoples – who were known in nineteenth century Queensland as ‘wild blacks’ or ‘myalls’ (meaning those who resisted leaving their lands – and ‘could be shot with impunity’) are recouped as the nation’s first caretakers of ‘pristine’ waterways. However, this article regards the current use of this ambivalent word as also potentially authorising those recognised through this mythic form, providing a limited and uncertain opportunity for traditional owners to ground a form of sovereign right in lands and waterways. Against totalising settler-colonial critiques of hegemony, this article argues that the Wild Rivers legislation does not forget indigeneity, but rather relies on indigeneity. While much research concerning ‘natural’ ideologies such as ‘the noble savage’ has worked to show that faith in a belated era of historical fullness or presence can serve to evacuate the present of material details, it may also be that the ‘wild’ can also offer Indigenous peoples a valuable political authority to, in the words of Courtney Jung, ‘contest the exclusions through which it has been constituted’.

Applying a we al-li educaring framework to address histories of violence with Aboriginal women

An Aboriginal woman living in a remote area is 45 times more likely to experience domestic violence than their white peers. (Gordon et al, 2002) The nature of that violence is multi-layered, complex and incorporates a history of intergenerational loss, grief, trauma and the impact of colonisation, as discussed by Atkinson, C (2008). It involves women, children, families, communities. It is a story about people, many of whom find themselves in trouble with the legal system. Of the 25 male parents who killed their children in a domestic violence context five identified as Aboriginal (20%) (NSW Domestic Violence Death Review Team Annual Report, 2015, p.17). The percentage of women in Victorian prisons who have been victims of sexual, physical or emotional abuse has been reported to be 87% (Johnson, 2004). This figure is supported by the latest Ombudsman’s report on Victorian Prisons (2015).None of the 17 females who killed their children identified as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander (NSW Domestic Violence Death Review Team Annual Report 2015, p.18). The most common charge/offence for both Aboriginal men and women is an act intended to cause injury (see Figure 2).The stories of women in this program and anecdotal evidence from people working in the field reveals that most of this violence is lateral, ie within families and communities which is not an uncommon occurrence where there is a history of colonisation.

Talking it up! Project report : Aboriginal voices in the formulation of health policy that works : full report

Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.

A Community Reference Group guided the work of the project at all stages, endorsed the findings and drafted the recommendations. The two elders who had identified the need for the project formed the core of the group, and worked on the project from start to finish. At different times during the project, other community members joined the group to assist in its work, including training Aboriginal researchers, letting others know about the forums, discussing findings and drafting recommendations.
Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.

Considering Aboriginal palliative care models: the challenges for mainstream services

This review discusses palliative care and end-of-life models of care for Aboriginal people in the Australian state New South Wales, and considers Aboriginal palliative care needs by reflecting on recent literature and lessons derived from Aboriginal consultation. Aboriginal people in Australia account for a very small proportion of the population, have poorer health outcomes and their culture demonstrates a clear resistance to accessing mainstream health services which are viewed as powerful, isolating and not relevant to their culture, way of life, family and belief systems. Aboriginal people regard their land as spiritual and their culture dictates that an Aboriginal person needs to know their origins, emphasising the value placed on kin and also demonstrating a strong desire to remain within their own country. Currently Aboriginal people tend to not access palliative care services in mainstream facilities; and there is very little data on Aboriginal admissions to palliative care centres. Over the last two decades only two models of palliative care focusing on and developed in Aboriginal communities have been implemented. The seminal contribution to Aboriginal Palliative Care was in the form of a resource kit developed to support palliative care providers to examine their practice for cultural appropriateness for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders. The "living model" coming from this project is adaptive and flexible, enabling implementation in different Aboriginal country as a participative process with community input. The Australian government"s National Indigenous Palliative Care Needs Study similarly indicated that Australian empirical research on Aboriginal palliative care service provision is in its infancy, and comprehensive data on the rates of Aboriginal access to palliative care services did not exist. What literature does exist is drawn together in an argument for the development and need for culturally specific Aboriginal palliative care models, which are culturally appropriate, locally accessible and delivered in collaboration and partnership with Aboriginal controlled health services. This is essential because Aboriginal people are a minority cultural group who are disconnected from mainstream health service delivery, and have a sense of cultural isolation when accessing mainstream services. It is preferable that palliative care is delivered in a collaboration between Aboriginal Controlled Health Service and mainstream palliative care services to ensure a dignified end of life for the Aboriginal person. These collaborations and partnerships are fundamental to ensure that a critical mass of Aboriginal clinicians are trained and experienced in end of life care and palliation. Developing palliative care programs within Aboriginal communities and training Aboriginal Health Workers, promoted and developed in partnership with the Aboriginal community, are important strategies to enhance palliative care service provision. Further partnerships should be championed in this collaborative process, acknowledging a need for palliative care models that fit with Aboriginal peoples" community values, beliefs, cultural/ spiritual rituals, heritage and place.

Genetic counseling for Indigenous Australians: an exploratory study from the perspective of genetic health professionals

Indigenous populations are thought to have particularly low levels of access to genetic health services, and cultural issues may be a contributing factor. This article presents the findings of the first study of genetic health service provision to Indigenous Australians. This qualitative study aimed to identify elements of culturally-competent genetic health service provision in Indigenous Australian contexts. Twelve semi-structured interviews were conducted with genetic counselors and clinical geneticists from around Australia who had delivered services to Indigenous Australians. Participants were asked to describe their experiences and identify any collective cultural needs of Indigenous clients, as well as comment on specific training and resources they had received or used. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed with thematic analysis conducted on the data. The findings show that participants were reluctant to generalize the needs of Indigenous peoples. Some participants asserted that Indigenous peoples have needs that differ from the general population, while others felt that there were no collective cultural needs, instead advocating an individualized approach. Being flexible and practical, taking time to build rapport, recognizing different family structures and decision-making processes, as well as socio-economic disadvantage were all identified as important factors in participants' interactions with Indigenous clients. Indigenous support workers and hospital liaison officers were seen as valuable resources for effective service provision. The implications of this study for training and practice are discussed.

The Bishop of Carpentaria and the Torres Strait pearlers' strike of 1936

The exploitation of Islander pearl divers in Torres Strait and the Queensland Government's control of divers' wages was the major cause of a strike by 400 divers in 1936. The strike was also fuelled by overall discontent with the Queensland Government's rule and a desire to be free of the Queensland Protectors. An address in 1935 by Stephen Davies, Bishop of Carpentaria, urging the Commonwealth of Australia to strip Queensland and other states of management of Island and Aboriginal affairs provided the catalyst. Davies's Torres Strait Island clergy played a pivotal role in the resistance to state control. One lasting effect of the strike lay in the introduction of elected Islander councils in 1937, but what happened subsequently allowed the perpetuation of Queensland control through the new Department of Native Affairs. The results of the strike fell short of the complete transfer to the Commonwealth that the Torres Strait pearl divers and clergy had envisaged.