41 resultados para Unemployed


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This chapter describes some aspects of life quality in Australia. The data for the initial overview have come from various sources. Following this general introduction, the chapter concentrates on two areas of Australian life that are key to subjective wellbeing. Using the combined data base from 24 surveys using the Australian Unity Wellbeing Index, we identified the happiest and the saddest groups in Australia as defined by their demographic profile. The highest wellbeing groups comprise people who have both a partner and a decent level of wealth. The lowest wellbeing groups are people with no partner, who have a low income and who are unemployed. The chapter then concentrates on the two common, defining elements of the highest and lowest groups as money and relationships. The results are interpreted in terms of data norms, homeostasis theory and possible causal agents. It is concluded that the results generally conform to the predictions of homeostasis and offer signposts as to the kinds of structural changes that influence population wellbeing.

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Objectives To investigate the ‘adaptation’ versus ‘sensitisation’ hypotheses in relation to mental health and labour market transitions out of employment to determine whether mental health stabilised (adaptation) or worsened (sensitisation) as people experienced one or more periods without work. Methods The Household Income and Labour Dynamics of Australia (HILDA) longitudinal survey was used to investigate the relationship between the number of times a person had been unemployed or had periods out of the labour force (ie, spells without work) and the Mental Component Summary (MCS) of the Short Form 36 (SF-36). Demographic, health and employment related confounders were included in a series of multilevel regression models. Results During 2001–2010, 3362 people shifted into unemployment and 1105 shifted from employment to not in the labour force. Compared with participants who did not shift, there was a 1.64-point decline (95% CI −2.05 to −1.23, p<0.001) in scores of the MCS SF-36 among those who had one spell of unemployment (excluding not in the labour force), and a 2.56-point decline (95% CI −3.93 to −1.19, p<0.001) among those who had two or more spells of unemployment after adjusting for other variables. Findings for shifts from employment to ‘not in the labour force’ were in the same direction; however, effect sizes were smaller. Conclusions These results indicate that multiple spells of unemployment are associated with continued, though small, declines in mental health. Those who leave employment for reasons other than unemployment experience a smaller reduction in mental health.

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This historical overview explores the crucial and changing relationships between faith-based organisations and governments, not only in the implementation of social services but also in the formation of social policy. Historically Australian governments have left large areas of social provision to the non-government sector. For example, income support for the unemployed was not taken up by governments until World War II and income support for sole parents remained largely a responsibility for non-government organisations (NGOs) until the 1970s. Prior to governments taking responsibility for income support, most of these NGOs were religious organisations surviving on donations, philanthropic support and limited government funding. It is argued that the dominant, semi-public role of religious organisations in service delivery and social policy formation is an important but largely overlooked aspect of the Australian historical experience.

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Young people who are experiencing first-episode psychosis (FEP) are at increased risk of being unemployed compared to either their same age peers in the general population, or those with other mental illnesses. Significant research has been conducted examining employment interventions for those with chronic psychotic illness. This has yielded strong results in favour of an intervention called individual placement and support (IPS). However, significantly less work has examined the benefit of this approach to those in FEP when the potential for vocational rehabilitation is perhaps greater. This study adds to the knowledge of vocational intervention in first-episode psychotic illness. Additionally, it expands this work into the areas of cognition, social cognition, social inclusion and economics.

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Background: Unemployment and economic inactivity are associated with worse mental health in the general population, but there is limited understanding of whether these relationships are different for those persons with mental or physical disabilities. The aim of this study was to assess whether there were differences in mental health by labour force status among persons with and without disabilities. Method: Over eight annual waves of the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey, a total of 2379 people with disabilities and 11 417 people without disabilities were identified. Mental health using the Mental Component Summary (MCS) from the Short Form 36 was modelled as a function of labour force status using fixed-effects regression models to control for time invariant confounding. Differences between those with and without disabilities were assessed by including an interaction term in regression models. Results: After finding evidence of effect modification, regression models were stratified by disability status. After adjustment, unemployment and economic inactivity were associated with a -1.85 (95% CI -2.96 to -0.73, p<0.001) and -2.66 (95% CI -3.46 to -1.86, p<0.001) reduction in scores of the MCS among those with a disability. For those without a disability, there were smaller declines associated with unemployment (-0.57, 95% CI -1.02 to -0.12, p=0.013) and economic inactivity (-0.34, 95% CI -0.64 to 0.05, p=0.022). Conclusions: These results suggest a greater reduction in mental health for those persons with disabilities who were unemployed or economically inactive than those who were employed. This highlights the value of employment for people with disabilities.

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In order to tackle unemployment for the at-risk group of mature-age workers displaced by industry sector restructuring, exemplary place-based initiatives are needed focusing on a selected area of high disadvantage identified by Professor Tony Vinson’s 2015 Jesuit Social Services report Dropping off the Edge, with an Australian state government committed to supporting the initiative, as that report recommends. In order to make such a place-based initiative exemplary in its outcomes, so that it leads to uptake in other areas of high disadvantage, it needs to be thoroughly informed by successful Nordic precedents. In particular, the new Australian place-based initiative needs to be informed by Danish regionally-focused large-scale job skills programs involving transition into a proximate sector of employment growth; and by Norwegian measures for more even population distribution outside capital cities or in particular hard-hit regions within capital cities. An advantage of the proposed initiative is that it will also produce measurable results for children in families in which neither parent works, whose needs are normally tackled (if at all) by separate policy actions in separate tiers or departments of government. Australian children are disproportionately disadvantaged by the internationally extreme concentration of joblessness. Denmark’s Løntilskud and Virksomhedspraktik job training programs subsidised by municipalities and the national government, and supported by Danish trade unions, will be discussed in this paper for the positive effects they have for participants, including establishing or re-establishing unemployed people’s structured work habits and routines, improving their networks along with their social skills, and boosting their confidence. This paper will outline in detail the types of features the proposed new Australian place-based initiative will require, drawing on and drilling down further into data and analysis presented in the author’s recent book: Northern Lights: The Positive Policy Example of Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Norway.

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BACKGROUND: Males employed in the construction industry have high rates of suicide. Although reasons underpinning this risk are multifaceted, poor help-seeking and stigma are represent major contributors. Males in the construction industry are also exposed to other risk factors for mental ill health and suicide, including unemployment. Sigma-reducing interventions that are accessible and attractive to recently unemployed males in the construction industry could therefore improve help-seeking, and address depression and suicidal behaviour in this population. METHODS/DESIGN: Contact&Connect will use a parallel individual randomized design to evaluate the effectiveness of a multimedia-based intervention aimed at reducing stigma. The intervention consists of a package of 12 brief contact interventions (BCIs) delivered over a six month period. BCIs will direct participants to informational programs and microsites. Content will address three major themes: debunking depression myths and stereotypes, normalisation, and empowerment. Target enrolment is 630 (315 in each arm), each to be followed for 12 months. Eligible participants will be males, between 30 and 64 years, unemployed at the time of recruitment, registered with Incolink (a social welfare trustee company for unemployed members of the construction industry), and own a smart phone with enabled internet connectivity. DISCUSSION: At present, there are no programs that have been shown to be effective in reducing stigma in the blue-collar male population. Contact&Connect promises to provide a tailored, efficient, and scalable approach to reducing stigma, depressive symptoms and suicidality among unemployed males. TRIAL REGISTRATION: Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Register ACTRN12615000792527  (date of registration: 30 July, 2015).

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Background : The first episode of psychosis is a crucial period when early intervention can alter the trajectory of the young person's ongoing mental health and general functioning. After an investigation into completed suicides in the Early Psychosis Prevention and Intervention Centre (EPPIC) programme, the intensive case management subprogramme was developed in 2003 to provide assertive outreach to young people having a first episode of psychosis who are at high risk owing to risk to self or others, disengagement, or suboptimal recovery. We report intensive case management model development, characterise the target cohort, and report on outcomes compared with EPPIC treatment as usual.

Methods : Inclusion criteria, staff support, referral pathways, clinical review processes, models of engagement and care, and risk management protocols are described. We compared 120 consecutive referrals with 50 EPPIC treatment as usual patients (age 15–24 years) in a naturalistic stratified quasi-experimental real-world design. Key performance indicators of service use plus engagement and suicide attempts were compared between EPPIC treatment as usual and intensive case management, and psychosocial and clinical measures were compared between intensive case management referral and discharge.

Findings : Referrals were predominately unemployed males with low levels of functioning and educational attainment. They were characterised by a family history of mental illness, migration and early separation, with substantial trauma, history of violence, and forensic attention. Intensive case management improved psychopathology and psychosocial outcomes in high-risk patients and reduced risk ratings, admissions, bed days, and crisis contacts.

Interpretation : Characterisation of intensive case management patients validated the clinical research focus and identified a first episode of psychosis high-risk subgroup. In a real-world study, implementation of an intensive case management stream within a well-established first episode of psychosis service showed significant improvement in key service outcomes. Further analysis is needed to determine cost savings and effects on psychosocial outcomes. Targeting intensive case management services to high-risk patients with unmet needs should reduce the distress associated with pathways to care for patients, their families, and the community.

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BACKGROUND: Anxiety and depression are common in multiple sclerosis (MS). We evaluated the prevalence and factors associated with anxiety, depression and fatigue at the 5-year review of a longitudinal cohort study following a first clinical diagnosis of CNS demyelination (FCD).

METHODS: Cases with a FCD were recruited soon after diagnosis and followed annually thereafter. A variety of environmental, behavioural and clinical covariates were measured at five-year review. Anxiety and depression were measured using the Hospital Anxiety & Depression Scale (HADS), and fatigue by the Fatigue Severity Scale (FSS).

RESULTS: Of the 236 cases, 40.2% had clinical anxiety (median HADS-A: 6.0), 16.0% had clinical depression (median HADS-D: 3.0), and 41.3% had clinical fatigue (median FSS: 4.56). The co-occurrence of all three symptoms was 3.76 times greater than expectation. Younger age, higher disability, concussion or other disease diagnosis were independently associated with a higher anxiety score; male sex, higher disability, being unemployed, less physical activity, and antidepressant and/or anxiolytic-sedative medication use were independently associated with a higher depression score. Higher disability, immunomodulatory medication use, other disease diagnosis and anxiolytic-sedative medication use were independently associated with having fatigue, while female sex, higher BMI, having had a concussion, being unemployed and higher disability were associated with a higher fatigue score.

CONCLUSION: These results support previous findings of the commonality of anxiety, depression and fatigue in established MS and extend this to post-FCD and early MS cases. The clustering of the three symptoms indicates that they may share common antecedents.

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The problems of entrenched high unemployment in Australia, and the need to improve the support given to people who are affected by unemployment, require new thinking and new ideas in order to bring about policy change.Therefore, Jobs Australia commissioned this research paper to ask Professor Andrew Scott to elaborate on his analysis of the possible relevance to Australia of the Danish approach to employment security which he expounded in his 2014 book, Northern Lights.In particular, we asked Professor Scott to outline practical steps which Australia might consider taking which are feasible and realistic: cutting ‘with the grain’ of Australia’s own distinctive institutional and policy approaches in order to shape new, better-designed policies which might reduce the poverty and uncertainty now faced by so many people in this country.It is very important that Australia now learn from overseas, and not only look at English-speaking countries in which, after all, in many cases, the problems are worse than ours in terms of higher inequalities and larger numbers of long-term unemployed.It is appropriate, in a true spirit of embracing globalisation, to look at the best performing nations in terms of tackling unemployment, and what may possibly be learned from them to apply in the challenges we face here in Australia.Jobs Australia is the national peak body representing not-for-profit organisations that help disadvantaged people find work.We are the largest network of employment and related service providers in Australia and we are funded and owned by our members.I am pleased to endorse the thrust of the arguments put forward in this paper and for Jobs Australia to publish it in this format in order to open up debate and to seek more engagement from key policy-makers with the ideas presented here.

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Since the 1990s there has been a surge of televisual dramatisations of real-life cooking shows in industrialised countries (Versteegan 2010: 447). Through reality television cooking shows such as, MasterChef, Jamie 's Kitchen, Hell's Kitchen, viewers have encountered celebrity chefs, 'foodies', hospitality trainees, contestants, cooking competitions and customers. These shows have been understood as an indication of- and intervention into - contemporary consumption trends and as vehicles for social change. Many reality-based cooking shows have been regarded as educational, pedagogical sites that 'encourage populations to undertake surveillance of their own and others' bodies' and eating habits with messages like: 'You are what you eat!' or 'Organic is better' (Rich 2011: 3; see also Lewis 2007 and Chapter 4 in this book by Szkupinski-Quiroga, Sandlin and Redmon Wright).In this chapter we explore the reality television programme Jamie's Kitchen as a pedagogical site which seeks to transform young people's understandings about food, work and ultimately themselves. In 2002 the high-profile celebrity chef Jamie Oliver set out to transform a group of unemployed young Londoners into the enterprising, ideal workers of twenty-first century, :flexible capitalism.1 This process of transformation was represented in the enormously successful Channel 4 TV series Jamie's Kitchen.2 In Australia, we viewed the series, as it was screened on Channel 10 over five weeks during July and August 2003.