76 resultados para Politicians elites


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Abstract This thesis set out to achieve the following objectives: (1) To identify the priorities and expectations that the Geelong community has of its public health care system. (2) To determine if there is a common view on the attributes of a just health system. (3) To consider a method of utilising the data in the determination of health care priority setting in Barwon Health. (4) To determine a model of community participation which enables ongoing input into the decision making processes of Barwon Health. The methodology involved a combination of qualitative and quantitative research. The qualitative work involved the use of focus groups that were conducted with 64 members of the Geelong community. The issues raised informed the development of the interview schedule that was the basis of the quantitative study, which surveyed a representative sample of 400 members of the Geelong community. Prior to reporting on this work, the areas of distributive justice, scarcity and community participation in health care were considered. The research found that timely access to public hospitals, emergency care and aged care services were the major priorities; for many people, the cost was less relevant than a quality service. Shorter waiting times and increased staffing levels were strongly supported. Increased taxes were nominated as the best means of financing the health system they sought. Community based services were less relevant than hospital services but health education was supported. An egalitarian approach to resource distribution was favoured although the community was prepared to discriminate in favour of younger people and against older people. There was strong support for the community to be involved in decision making in the public health care system through surveys or focus groups but very little support was given to priorities being determined by politicians, administrators and to a lesser extent, medical professionals.

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Increasingly, politicians, bureaucrats, the business community, members of our communities and even members of the teaching profession, are asking questions about professional preparation for teachers, questions like: What is the value of teacher education? What should beginning teachers know and be able to do? How can we make judgements about what they know and are able to do? How can teacher preparation contribute to the retention of high quality beginning teachers who continue to grow and learn?

In this paper, I examine these issues and examine how effective teacher preparation has attempted to respond to these issues, particularly in graduate teacher education programs. I argue that we need to be cognisant of the following aspects when developing and implementing high quality professional education of teachers:

• Connect teacher education to the first year of teaching;
• Prepare teachers who investigate their professional practice within communities of learners
• Prepare teachers with a strong professional knowledge base that helps them make informed professional judgments
• A cohort model that builds strong relationships and professional networks
• Early, regular and sustained school experiences that systematically build professional knowledge and skill. Closely monitored by suitably qualified university personnel and supervising teachers
• Professional standards for beginning teaching and a capstone teacher performance assessment

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Increasingly, politicians, bureaucrats, the business community, members of our communities and even members of the teaching profession, are asking questions about the professional preparation of teachers: What is the value of teacher education? What should beginning teachers know and be able to do? How can judgements be made about what beginning teachers know and are able to do?

Teacher educators are dangerously close to having little or no impact on the policies being driven by various responses to these questions. Research in teacher education, while copious, is under-funded and consequently teacher education researchers focus on their own programs and conduct small-scale, context specific, studies that are not readily generalisable. As a result, policy makers largely ignore it. I argue that if teacher educators are to retain their responsibility for the preparation of new professionals and for the development of new knowledge for the profession, we need to focus our research on key policy issues regarding the preparation of teachers and we need to ensure that our research connects with and extends the body of relevant research and the questions being asked about the value of teacher education.

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This thesis examined television current affairs interviewing to determine the influence of the cultural politics of Australian commercial and non-commercial networks. Marketplace pressures to rate highly was the major influence on commercial programs resulting in the use of shorter dramatic interviews, more celebrities, fewer politicians, hidden cameras and ambush interviews.

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This thesis states that the containment of NGOs is not simply due to the state's control of the political mechanisms. This study argues that the boundaries for NGOs are determined by the interplay between the state, the ruling elites, the middle class and the business elites.

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This study, written from the perspective of a parent activist, articulates the 'battle of ideas' or struggle 'around the truth' of public education in New South Wales since the conservative Greiner government came to power in 1988 and instituted the 'new right' agenda. Political control is theorised in the light of debates about hegemony, power, ideology and truth. Documents what happened in 'consultations' about educational reform between the Ministers and their appointees on on the one hand, and the public education lobby, on the other.

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Reassesses the public career of James Ford Cairns and his impact on Australian society over the past 50 years. Particularly focuses upon the development of Cairns' thinking on social change and locates that development within the context of the Labor Party's ideological evolution since WWII.

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A case illustrates why politicians like talkback radio. By going on talkback they can appear to be available in an open and unstructured forum, reaching out over the heads of the media to constituents. But far from being open and unmediated, talkback is a highly controlled and contrived forum. Guests like John Howard have the last word, and talkback hosts, Jon Faine included, make sure that they get it. As quantity always seems to win out over quality in mainstream radio, and brevity over depth, the emphasis is on giving as many callers as possible the chance to ask a question. The result is a few rushed seconds of questioning from the caller and a couple of minutes of spin in return from the politician, with no chance for the caller to push the issue further.

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This study involves an account of the factors leading to the development and evolution of three public art spaces concerned with contemporary art in the 1980s in Melbourne. The three spaces – Heide Park and Art Gallery, 200 Gertrude Street, and the Australian Centre for Contemporary Art developed programs that promoted and presented contemporary art throughout the eighties. Prior to the 1980s the National Gallery of Victoria was the major public institution concerned with the promotion and presentation of contemporary art in Melbourne.

The study describes and analyses events leading to the establishment of each new space and investigates the formations and groups who played leading roles. A case study approach has been used which explores the networks and groupings that developed in setting up and maintaining each space. Theoretical perspectives drawn from Bourdieu, Williams and Wolff are employed in order to explore the social and cultural meanings of the networks and groups responsible for developing the three art spaces. These perspectives are used to help account for the motives and ideology employed by individuals and groups, such as artists, academics and politicians.

Each of the three spaces mainly developed from different clusters and groups, although some individuals had involvement in more than one of the spaces. The study concludes with a cultural analysis that identifies several key factors, such as forms of patronage, government policy direction and the power and influence of various sectors and formations. Government funding for art is a complex area of activity that draws upon a wide constituency of individuals and agents that include artists, wealthy business people, collectors, and so on. The study reveals much about government intervention and cultural and social formations promoting art in Melbourne during the 1980s.

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Over a quarter of a century ago, the childhood obesity epidemic started its upswing in high-income countries (1) but it was not until the early 2000s that the issue hit the headlines and really forced the public and politicians to take note (2). That awareness has sparked a surge in research, policies, and programs, but what is the current state of action and, more importantly, where to from here for the prevention of childhood obesity?

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A national innovation system is concerned with the full process of converting new knowledge into commercially viable results. Governments are policy-active in trying to create productive national innovation systems. This paper reviews ways of thinking about entrepreneurship as the commercialisation component of Australia’s innovation system. The paper explores the impact and relevance of selected existing Australian Commonwealth, and to a lesser extent State government, programs for the commercialisation channels so identified, using four frameworks for the analysis: financial, management/start-up, innovation and entrepreneurial. The analysis indicates program initiatives covering the later development and commercialization phases, but serious gaps in the support available for the entrepreneurship phase involving the act of new entry. This gap is covered by research provider business development people and to a limited extent by incubator and State government initiatives. A critical issue has been and is access to smaller amounts of seed finance. The critical human component is the education of public servants and politicians about the nature and operation of entrepreneurship.

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After undergoing rapid socio-economic and political transformation, the Republic of Korea has arrived at the stage of development which Beck refers to as a risk society. Korea has experienced both sides of the risks which accompany modernity: the wealth associated with an advanced economy and also the hazards which are by-products of industrial society. However the Korean case is distinctive, this article argues, due to the state’s role in calibrating and managing risk. Whereas prior to the financial crisis of 1997–98 state elites privileged big business and exposed workers to higher levels of risk, calculations of the costs and benefits of risk have changed since the financial crisis. A notable outcome has been the straining of traditionally close ties between the state and the chaebŏl.

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Over the past two decades, considerable political rhetoric has focused on the need to get tough on crime. Justification for this hard-line approach has been the public's apparent concem about rising crime rates and its increasing dissatisfaction with criminal sentencing. In this paper, we consider characteristics both of the measurement of public opinion and of the influences upon public opinion that may contribute to the depiction of a fearful, punitive community. In particular, we identify sources of bias in the methods and contexts of opinion-polling that promote a distorted representation of the discrepancy between community expectations of sentencing and the practices of the judiciary. We argue that the practices of pollsters, politicians, and media combine to create a self-sustaining obstacle to considered community discussion of crime and criminal sentencing.

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Although place-marketing and image-enhancement are increasingly common elements of Western urban policy, when applied to specific locales, these abstract theories have to negotiate local conditions and contexts. This paper discusses the ways attempts to place-market the city of Hull, England, prompted debates surrounding questions of place, memory and heritage. Despite being Britain's leading fishing port in the 20th century, Hull's place-marketing strategy elided this past in favour of a sanitised vision of a modern, post-industrial city. These debates crystallised around a 1999 planning inquiry over the proposed redevelopment of the erstwhile fishing dock. While the proposals contained some reference to the dock's role as a site of place-memory, this was deemed insufficient by local protest groups and politicians who argued for a more appropriate memorial to Hull's fishing community. Eventually, the redevelopment proposals were accepted, but not before attendant debates exposed both the depth of local sentiments over place-memories and fishing heritage, and also the difficulties of negotiating inclusive and plural heritage landscapes.

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In 2004, for the first time in the two decades for which Australian Election Study (AES) data has become available, more blue-collar workers cast their primary vote for the Coalition parties than for Labor. Blue-collar support for Labor had partially recovered under Beazley in 1998 and 2001 following its dramatic drop under Keating in 1996 but it dropped to even lower levels under Latham in 2004. This paper analyses AES survey data, the actual voting results in each federal electorate and the demographic characteristics of those electorates to discuss the nature of Labor’s latest national election defeat and the reasons for it. There is considerable disagreement among commentators as to whether Labor has lost the last four national elections because it has failed to reconnect with its traditional voter base; or because it has failed to go beyond that base. Much of the disagreement centres on how blue-collar workers are to be understood. Are they ‘battlers’ and victims of ‘globalisation’ or have they become prosperous, upwardly-mobile and ‘aspirational’? Related questions include whether the most salient issues for blue-collar voters are economic, or cultural; and whether the most important inequalities in Australian society should be measured in terms of income; or occupation; or geographic location (including degree of distance from the inner-city). This paper analyses the policies presented in the 2004 election and engages with informed journalistic analyses, and contributions from past and present politicians, in addition to the work of political scientists, to help make sense of precisely where and why Labor lost support in 2004 and the implications this has for future ALP policy and strategy. The paper also contributes to the longer-term debates about the reasons for Howard’s electoral ascendancy since 1996; and the role and constituency of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party.