51 resultados para Nuclear weapons


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Preliminary results are presented on the correlation between enhanced solvent mobility and ionic conductivity in plasticized polyether–urethane solid polymer electrolytes using 13C nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopic spin–lattice relaxation time measurements to probe polymer mobility.

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13C nuclear magnetic resonance (n.m.r.) has been used to study polypyrrole and N-substituted polypyrrole in the solid state. The extent of oxidation appears to be counterion-dependent; in particular, the quinoid structure appears favoured in the films prepared with dodecyl sulfate. Resonances associated with the quinoid unit are lost upon reduction of the polypyrrole film, which supports the idea that the quinoid structure is associated with the oxidized form of polypyrrole. N-substituted polypyrroles have a more distinct resonance at 110 ppm, which is linked to lower degrees of oxidation or charge delocalization in these systems. The decrease in conductivity of polypyrrole upon thermal ageing in air is associated with both the loss of counterion (‘thermal dedoping’) and the decomposition of the quinoid structure in the polymer backbone. There is no indication of carbonyl formation in the solid-state n.m.r. spectra obtained in the present study.

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Nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) is a technique that allows the probing of the dynamics of specific magnetically active nuclei. In the present study a polyethylene glycol network containing varying concentrations of LiClO4 have been studied using 7Li NMR relaxation techniques. A plasticiser, tetraglyme, has been added to several samples to improve the mobility of the polymer and thus of the ionic species. The effects of tetraglyme and salt concentration on the cationic mobility and environment have been investigated using T1 and T2 relaxation experiments, with the presence of two cationic species of differing relaxation times (and possibly mobility) reported. The results are discussed with relevance to conductivity measurements made on similar samples.

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Objective

To examine comparable survey data across 10 years to assess whether rates of self-reported weapon carrying and intent to harm others have increased as suggested in reported trends in violent offences.

Design, setting and participants:
Population-based surveys administered to Victorian secondary school students in 1999 (8984 students) and 2009 (10 273 students) attending government, Catholic and independent schools. Main outcome measures: Student self-reports of carrying a weapon and attacking someone with the intent to harm in the past 12 months.

Results:
In both surveys, about 15.0% of students reported carrying a weapon and about 7.0% reported attacking someone with intent to harm in the past 12 months, with higher rates among boys than girls. There was no change over time in the rates of students carrying weapons or attacking someone with the intent to harm, after controlling for demographic variables.

Conclusions:
In contrast to media portrayals and reported trends in violent offences, rates of students carrying weapons and attacking others with intent to harm have not changed between 1999 and 2009. These findings underline the importance of having national population-based data to regularly monitor the rates of these and related behaviours among young Australians.

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The George W. Bush administration resorted to war to respond to the threat of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, whereas it virtually ruled out the use of force to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue. By utilizing various strands of realist international relations theories, we trace motivations behind the administration's divergent foreign-policy choices toward rogue states. That the United States rushed to war against Iraq while procrastinating on North Korea presents a puzzle to conventional realism, which postulates that great powers observe changes in relative capabilities and respond accordingly. We argue that policy differences should be embedded in discussion of the administration's foreign-policy grand strategy, which sought to sustain the hegemonic status of the United States in the world. Iraq and North Korea had different implications for Bush's grand strategy, thereby calling for different approaches. By tracing the strategic design of the Bush administration, we attempt to provide a more complete account of policy differences toward rogue states, as well as indicate the significant changes in US policy during the George W. Bush administration and since.