53 resultados para Neoliberalism


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Although agriculture in Australia is very productive, the current food supply systems in Australia fail to deliver healthy diets to all Australians and fail to protect the natural resources on which they depend. The operation of the food systems creates ‘collateral damage’ to the natural environment including biodiversity loss. In coming decades, Australia’s food supply systems will be increasingly challenged by resource price inflation and climate change. Australia exports more than half of its current agricultural production. Government and business are aiming to substantially increase production to bolster exports. This will increase pressure on agricultural resources and exacerbate ‘collateral’ damage to the environment. The Australian public have a deep and ongoing interest in a very wide range of issues associated with the food systems including the environment, health and sustainability. Food is something we require in order to live and a good diet is something we have to have to be healthy. For health over a life-time we need food security. However, we also require a range of other material goods and social arrangements in order to develop and flourish as human beings. And we need these other things to be secure over a life-time. Food is therefore one security among a range of other securities we need in order to flourish. The paper outlines a number of approaches, as examples, that help to identify what these other goods and arrangements might be. The approaches mentioned in this paper include human rights, national securities, human needs, authentic happiness, capabilities, sustainability and environmental ethics. The different approaches provide a way of evaluating the current situation and indicating a direction for change within the food systems that will address the problems. However, changing large systems such as those involved in food supply is difficult because inertias and vested interests make the current food supply systems resilient to change. The paper suggests that one of the first and ongoing tasks is to develop an understanding of the situation from a comprehensive social–ecological systems perspective. The paper also suggests that a practical leverage point for system change is restructuring the flow of information on the health, natural resources and biodiversity loss issues related to the food supply systems.

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Discussions of ideology are akin to walking a tightrope, especially in a discipline that largely views itself as nonideological, but whose concepts are used to advance ideas and ideologies of all kinds. Through three insightful refereed articles and four invited commentaries, this special issue of the Journal of Macromarketing manages to walk the tightrope, even though the balance bar lurches dangerously to one side and then to the other. As the special issue editors, in this introductory essay, we set up the context for discussions of ideology and marketing, provide some of our views, and then introduce the seven contributions via brief previews.

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Using an interpretive case study in a business school in India, this research examines student behaviour and offers an understanding of a marketisation process in higher education. The study deploys Foucault's conceptualisation of governmentality and uncovers processes through which market subjectivity is fostered among students as they strive to become responsible, active, and entrepreneurial subjects. The subject position is attributed to several governmental discourses of peer pressure, abnormality, uncritical pedagogy, loan repayment, and elitism that prevail in the business school. The study further highlights the roles of English language and preference for western corporations which are unique to postcolonial India. Market subjectivity results in the prevalence of instrumental rationality, failure to develop a critical academic perspective, subordination of social concerns, and disenchantment and exclusion among some students.

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This article adopts the concept of neoliberal governmentality to critically analyze public policy failures in a bottom-of-the-pyramid (BOP) marketing initiative. This research shows that e-Choupal, an Indian BOP initiative, is hampered by a divide between poverty alleviation and profit seeking, which is inadequately reconciled by the neoliberal government policies that dominate contemporary India. The initiative sounds good, even noble, but becomes mired in divergent discourses and practices that ultimately fail to help the poor whom it targets. This research helps explicate the problems with BOP policy interventions that encourage profit seeking as a way to alleviate poverty.

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What gives legitimacy to the numbers that constitute the measurement techniques of the audit culture? We argue that the audit culture’s blind application of numbers to people as if there was no moral or ethical dimension to the calculation rests on a military discourse resi-dent in mathematics. This argument is based on the genealogy presented in this paper, which uncovers a regime of measurement-by-number, sedimented as legitimate through an associa-tion with military power. We claim that this military measurement-by-number is a dubious technique of government on which the audit culture relies for its highly questionable authori-ty.

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 Through a study of the global anti-doping apparatus and professional cycling this thesis concerns how law and governance is changing in the global context and how these changes are inherent to broader processes associated with neoliberalism and affecting all aspects of society.

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The conjunction of equity and market logics in contemporary education has created new and different conditions of possibility for equity, both as conceived in policy discourses and as a related set of educational practices. In this editorial introduction, we examine how equity is being drawn into new policy assemblages and how, in the context of marketisation, equity is evolving and being enacted in new ways across education sectors. Different conceptions of equity are considered, including the increasingly influential human capital perspective promoted by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). We argue that, separate from critiques of neoliberalism and its deleterious effects on equity in education, it is necessary to analyse carefully the increasing rationalisation of equity agendas in economic terms, the associated effects on education governance and policy-making, as well as on the work of educational institutions and educators. Providing an overview of the contributions to this Special Issue, we direct particular attention to the multiple, complex and often contradictory effects of the current education reform agenda in Australia, which has prioritised equity objectives and intensified performance measurement, comparison and accountability as means to drive educational improvement and reduce disadvantage.

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As well as waging a culture war against Aboriginal self-determination, multiculturalism, postmodernism in education, and the non-nuclear family, the New Right in Australia has also sought to discredit the environmental movement. Using discourse analysis, this article examines this largely neglected dimension of the culture war. It is demonstrated that for over twenty years, the New Right has prosecuted a discursive struggle to undermine the claims of environmentalists in order to legitimise a set of ecologically and socially destructive corporate practices; and that this partly accounts for Australia's recent poor record on environmental issues. It is also shown that this campaign fits into a broader pattern of discursive conflict over issues of gender and ethnicity which have been deployed to disorganise and discredit opposition to radical neoliberalism. This analysis in turn reveals some ways in which anti-environmentalism might be countered.

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This paper introduces the concept of the phallic teacher, a spectral figure that needs to be negotiated in teachers’ everyday work and in school-based disciplinary communities of practice. Reporting the findings of a three year doctoral study completed in 2014, the paper looks closely at how English teachers design both curriculum and identity in an environment where feminist and poststructuralist work of the late 20th century seems to have lost traction.These observations are based on empirical research in a Victorian school, combined with autoethnographic writing and other materials connecting teachers’ and researchers’ lives to the broader cultural postfeminist debate. The paper makes room for an absent subject, the teacher, marginalised in neoliberal discourses of curriculum and critiques the masculinist hegemony of outcomes and standards-based education. This provides us with new ways to challenge increasingly dominant current paradigms and to conceptualise a different future in which the standpoints of teachers are privileged in curriculum theory and curricular innovation.

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A prominent feature of recent Australian economic discourse is the assertion that there was a ‘productivity surge’ during the 1990s, resulting from the neoliberal microeconomic reforms inaugurated in the early 1980s. However, the evidence for the productivity surge is routinely overstated, thus undermining the rationale for many past and future microeconomic reforms. There is also substantial evidence that productivity growth can have perverse socioeconomic and/or environmental consequences. Nonetheless, many policymakers, economists and commentators remain preoccupied with increasing productivity growth. This article examines the Australian productivity debate and concludes that this is driven more by neoliberal norms than socioeconomic necessity. These are manifest in a disciplinary discourse that constructs productivity growth as a national imperative, unencumbered by negative social and environmental externalities.

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One of the core ideas that animate neo-liberal globalization is the promise that with increased integration there will be a concomitant decline in the power of the nation state and a decline and dissipation of issues such as ethnic hatred, nationalist extremism which can be overcome by the spread of enlightened self interest. Competition based on individual merit and the prevalence of markets over politics signals a new neo-liberal order. According to its supporters neo-liberal globalization heralds a new era of cosmopolitanism individualism, choice and the breakdown of barriers to the peoples of the world. Freedom, free markets, open competition, democracy and development are said to follow in the wake of neoliberal globalization. The powerful discourse of competition and economic development provides neo-liberal globalization with a critical and central driver

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In the period since the end of the Second World War, thinking about the ways in which development takes place and can be fostered has gone through a series of fundamental shifts, and in each of the paradigms that have been dominant at particular times the role of aid has been given a quite different emphasis. In this chapter the nature of each of these major periods in development thinking is outlined, along with an exploration of changing priorities for aid policy, and hence of the criteria that might be used to evaluate aid effectiveness. The aim, then, is to develop an understanding of the political economy of aid policy, moving well beyond restricted economic criteria to encompass political considerations as well as insights from a range of other disciplines. Particular attention is given to the current neoliberal agenda, which in spite of many attacks since the Global Financial Crisis has retained its dominant position. It is argued that this produces a development and aid agenda that enhances a starkly unequal income distribution, and that ways in which a new paradigm that places more emphasis on the common good can be created must be explored.

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In this paper, we argue that complex forms of selfhood emerge in relation to rapid economic and social changes unfolding in the early stages of the twenty-first century. We draw on literature that explores youth at risk, entrepreneurial selfhood and neoliberalism to argue that young people are developing modes of transition that allow them to acclimatise to economic and social insecurity. It is an insecurity borne of a paradoxical reliance on, and failure of, neoliberal forms of economics and society. In the context of a post-Global Financial Crisis (post-GFC) world, we explore how young people take responsibility for their uncertain futures. Via our critique of how young people are supposed to manage their lives from education to employment, we argue that a form of selfhood emerges as they are challenged by limited education and employment opportunities. We call this selfhood the guerrilla self. We use this term to designate types of identity that require participation through resistance, institutionalisation through the appearance of not being institutionalised, and individualism in the midst of a failure of individualism. In making this case, we draw on stories told by young people in the USA planning for a future in a post-GFC world.