43 resultados para Maguiling, Mount (Philippines)


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Recent geopolitical and economic changes have altered global social policy formation. Bretton Woods multilateral development agencies (MDAs) have selectively incorporated ideas that have emerged from developing country states and decision makers. Recent years have witnessed an increased acceptance of social transfers as part of renewed efforts at poverty alleviation policies based on social risk management. There has been an instance in the use and promotion of conditional cash transfer (CCT) policies by MDAs. One case is the Philippines. CCTs were a product of the emergence of a neostructuralist welfare regime (understood as an ideal type) in Latin America. There was an attempt to reconcile neoliberal strategies of development with aspirations for guaranteed minimum incomes. The Bretton Woods and regional development bank MDAs have facilitated the adoption of CCTs in other developing country contexts. In the Philippines, a combination of actions by national political actors and MDAs resulted in the implementation of a securitised and compliance-focused version of CCTs derived from the Colombian security state. Although poor households welcome income assistance, CCTs have acted to enforce further state monitoring without altering the national-based political and economic processes that replicate poverty.

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Participatory approaches to development have been implemented increasingly. One form is the World Bank’s community-driven development (CDD) programme. Participation has, also, become increasingly securitised since 2001. One instance of these trends was the Kapit-Bisig Laban sa Kahirapan (KALAHI) project in the Philippines. This paper examines the implementation of CDD and the problems of its securitisation, using the Philippines as a case study. A composite conceptual framework is advanced that draws upon the international analyses of development. Adapting the concepts of securitisation and de-politicisation, it argues that a new hegemonic-development framework has appeared: the Securitised-Washington consensus. The analysis assesses these trends through the examples of KALAHI and Philippine politics and economics. It suggests that securitised CDD projects result in token efforts at political reform and poverty alleviation that often are contradicted by counter-trends towards development decline and militarisation. Unless these deep-rooted problems are confronted, localised participation is likely to remain ineffectual.

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This study highlights the role of knowledge management (KM) in enabling small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in a manufacturing industry in a developing country to engage in environmentally sustainable business. Drawing on the knowledge-based view of the firm, it argues that resource-constrained SMEs rely on their relational capital to augment their capability to innovate in order to find better and environmentally sound ways of doing business. However, SMEs need to harness their KM orientation in order to leverage the knowledge-based resources emanating from their relational capital towards building their innovation capability. This capability is essential in integrating effective environmental management practices in business. The findings from our analysis of data from a survey of 241 manufacturing SMEs in the Philippines support these hypotheses and underscore the importance of developing an organisational capability to engage in KM in order to adopt sustainable business practices. The implications of the findings are also discussed.

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Civil-society participation continues to be a considerable focus of debate surrounding politics and public-policy making at international and national scales, especially in the developing world. Important examples of such processes have occurred in the Philippines. The Philippine polity is widely regarded as embodying a culture of clan-based politics entailing considerable relationships of clientelism and semiclientelism. Yet there is also considerable evidence of widespread civil-society activism. This paper examines how politically left-of-center development nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and people’s organizations (POs) have attempted to “cross over” to state positions in order to implement social and economic reforms. Select engagement by key personnel from the NGO sphere has often been premised on the notion that it was aimed at transforming these features of Philippine politics. Engagement with two recent and (claimed to be) reforming governments has not led to positive outcomes. The Philippine experience, for the most part, is an expression of the problematic assumptions that have tended to inform the debate over civil society and state interaction in many developing-country contexts. Such conceptions have been inserted into an all-encompassing notion of democratic transition, whereby political and economic liberalization are supposed to emerge in synergy, with civil society acting as a form of “stabilizer” compensating for and complementing the role of the state. Given the predominance of such weak states as the Philippines in the developing world, it is important to consider what the impacts of development NGOs participation may be. Most important, what may be the impacts of such forms of participation in a society and polity characterized by entrenched clientelist relationships? Contrasting a Gramscian analysis with Putnam-inspired conceptions of civil society that underpin the transition model, the paper argues that far from being a conditioning force on the state, civil society is itself a sphere where clientelism and semiclientelism predominate. So powerful are these forces, that arguably well-intentioned NGO personnel who previously adopted a critical stance toward neo-clientelism ultimately become absorbed by these relationships.

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Recent years have seen an increased acceptance of social transfers as part of renewed efforts at poverty alleviation policies based on social risk management. There has been an instance in the use and promotion of conditional cash transfer (CCT) policies by multilateral development agencies (MDAs). One case is the Philippines. The ideational basis of CCTs can be traced to the influence of neostructuralism in Latin America. One facet of this was an attempt to reconcile neoliberal strategies of development with aspirations for guaranteed minimum incomes. The adoption of CCTs was mediated by MDA s that further reduced the modest concessions to poor people's rights implicit in Latin American programs. The Philippines demonstrates that MDAs have promoted a more heavily securitised and compliance-focused versions of CCTs that was derived the Colombian security state. Although small grants are welcomed by poor households, they have acted to further enforce state control while maintaining a neoliberal policy focus.

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There has been a resurgence in activity by non-traditional donors (NTDs) since 2000. These flows of foreign development assistance (FDA) are a reflection of the global shift in production and income towards semi-peripheral economies, above all the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The PRC has also adopted its “peaceful rise” and “non-interference” policies with a strong emphasis on South-South cooperation. Some even foresee these changes as opening the space for more public-investment focused development policies, with NTDs providing ready access to capital with few conditionalities. Little attention, however, has been focused how these changes are already impacting in Southeast Asia. The PRC has now become the second largest source of FDA in the Philippines, funding major rail and other infrastructure projects and this trend is set to continue. The experience so far, however, suggests that the Philippine “soggy state” – where the state lacks autonomy from elite classes and processes that hinder development processes - has meant little benefit has accrued from the availability of concessional finance. Despite the rhetoric of “non-interference” in PRC policy, there is evidence that these FDA flows may indeed be aggravating processes of social and political exclusion.

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Why do small businesses in developing countries embrace sustainable business practices and what are the effects on their performance? We address these questions by drawing on the natural-resource based view of the firm to argue that the environmental sustainability orientation of small businesses can be explained by their entrepreneurial orientation. Our study of 197 small businesses in the Philippines shows that an entrepreneurial strategic orientation enables them to develop a more proactive stance toward environmental sustainability practices which lead to superior firm performance. The implications of the findings for future research and for public policy for small businesses are also discussed.

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Drawing from social exchange theory, this study investigates how changes in human resource management practices influence and affect employee engagement in a hotel chain. Changes in human resource management practices were identified, and corresponding changes in the level of employee engagement were observed. One hundred forty-five employees from a hotel chain in the Philippines participated in a longitudinal study. Results show that improvements in human resource management practices, particularly in the areas of reward management and training and development, yielded positive and significant change in the level of employee engagement. Implications for human resource management, particularly in the hospitality and tourism context, are discussed.