Regional trade agreements : performance evaluation and research agenda

This paper proposes a broad model for key success factors in Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Current literature is relatively limited in its focus on largely economic consequences of RTAs and the externalities are mostly ignored. This model incorporates five predictor dimensions forming the character of a RTA as follows: (1) Economic, (2) Socio-Cultural, (3) Negotiation, (4) Country Objectives and (5) Review process. It proposes a methodology for the empirical testing of the proposed model. The proposed model, potentially, facilitates the measurement of the character of a RTA and its association with various RTA objectives.

The life and death of Aceh's peace process

The collapse of the peace process has seen Aceh return to a cycle of violence

Strategic significance of the island state of Sri Lanka

The study is focused on an analysis of the major diplomatic documents from the mid eighteenth century to the present as regards Sri Lanka, or Ceylon as it was known till 1972. The objectives of the study are to identify the issues underlying these diplomatic documents. These include the political and strategic factors and other subsidiary issues like trade and commerce relevant at the time these treaties, agreements, and proposed treaties were formulated. It is also a geopolitical study as it relates to Sri Lanka's geographical position in the Indian Ocean, and her possession of the Trincomalee Harbour on its east coast, which is one of the great natural harbours of the world. Over the centuries this harbour has had significant strategic value for naval deployments. The case study of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries studies the diplomatic documents against the political and strategic background for the French Revolution and actions of Napoleon, and the Anglo/French rivalry, spreading from Europe to North America and Asia. In the twentieth century the environment for studying the place of Sri Lanka in the Indian Ocean was created by the Russian Revolution, the failure to keep the peace of Versailles after World War I, the conflict and horrors of World War II which led to the disintegration of European colonial empires in Asia and Africa, and the tensions generated by the Cold War. A study of the documents would reveal that in international relations what matters is the ability of a party to promote its interests, and this depends on its power. This realist approach contrasts to the idealist approach where policies are based on moral and ethical principles. For the realist the states should follow to protect their interests and to survive. To achieve this is to strive for a ‘balance of power’. To do so is to form a favourable alliance system. As the documents examined cover a period from the mid-eighteenth century to the later part of the twentieth century, they reflect the changing technologies that have had an influence on naval and military matters. For example, this period witnessed great changes in technology of energy utilized to propel warships, from wind, to steam, to fuel and finally to nuclear power. These changes had an influence in determining strategic policies involving weapon systems and communications within a global and regional setting. The period covered was the beginning of the process described a ‘globalisation’. Its idea is not unique to this century; there were many attempts, in various times of history, to integrate societies within a global context. Viewed in this light, the Anglo-French rivalry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was the indication of a global naval strategy, in which Sri Lanka was a major factor in the Indian Ocean region. This process was associated with the phenomena called the ‘expansion of Europe’. It covered all the oceans of the world and in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries led to the founding of the largest maritime empire the world has ever seen: The British Empire. After World War I, the British naval strength (the basis of the British Empire) and her consequent position as a great power, was challenged by other powers like the United States of America and Japan. After World War II, the US Navy was supreme: and there was a close alliance between Britain and the USA. The strength of the US/British alliance was based on the navy and its bases, which were spread throughout the globe; to project power, and act as deterrence and balancing force. Sri Lanka, due to her strategic position, was a part of this evolving process, and was tied to a global strategy (with its regional connotations) from the eighteenth century to the present.

Creating the political will necessary for achieving multilateral disarmament : the need for a peace-industrial complex

This dissertation deals with the failure to end the central arms race and provides some alternative proposals. Chapters 1 and 2 look at the failure of governmental disarmament negotiations and the ineffectiveness of the non-governmental peace movement. Chapter 3 outlines the author's recommended comprehensive strategy for ending the arms race? both the need for the US to make a dramatic unilateral initiative to break the deadlock (Super GRIT) and a detailed disarmament treaty. The main problem, as argued by the author, is more one of political will and so it is necessary to find a way of creating the political will to stimulate the US to make that dramatic unilateral initiative. He calls for the creation of a Peace-Industrial Complex. The intellectual arguments for the potential basis of such a complex are to be found in the research done by the United Nations; this is examined throughout Part II (Chapters 4-7). Unfortunately very little attention has been paid by governments to this work. Part III (Chapters 8 and 9) deals in more detail with the recommended Peace-Industrial Complex. Chapter 8 looks at its possible creation and method of work. Chapter 9 suggests that the proposed complex creates a transcending vision: from ‘uclear winter’to ‘nuclear spring’.

Regional trade agreements : a comparison

The negotiation and construction of a Regional Trade Agreement (RTA) bears the elements of its future success. The agreement identifies the relative strength of the countries involved and the long-term internal functioning of the agreement. A comparison between the NAFTA and Mercosur RTAs highlights this concept. NAFTA appears to indicate the clear range of possibilities to the US, Canada and Mexico’s participation, each with a chance to maximize their strengths combining a powerful combination of resources and skills required to operationalise the collective benefits. Mercosur includes countries that are mostly at the same level of economic development without any specific catalyst to promote economic growth. The results indicate that association between text and outcomes.

Sudan's Darfur : peace or more war on the horizon?

This year marks Sudan’s fiftieth year of independence. Unfortunately, it has very little to celebrate. Sudan, the largest country in Africa is best known for its long history of maladministration, human rights abuses, coups d’état, and for the past three years a ruthless government-backed assault on the people of Darfur in western Sudan.

Written by Dr Claude Rakisits, a consultant focusing on developments in Africa, the Middle East and South Asia, the paper examines the latest developments in Darfur and the factors that will determine whether there will finally be peace for the people of Darfur and the Australian Government’s policy options for contributing to a possible UN peacekeeping operation in Darfur.

Heritage and dialogue : using heritage conservation to strengthen the defences of peace

The Preamble to UNESCO's 1945 Constitution asserted that wars are created in the minds of men and that it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be built. Exploring this proposition was vital in the post World-War II years, but it is equally critical in the 21st century when world efforts towards peace continue to be undermined by intense forms of nationalism and ethnic rivalries that commonly use cultural differences as a justification for conflict.

However, while strengthening intercultural dialogue underlies the creation of UNESCO, its flagship World Heritage program under the 1972 World Heritage Convention seems to be losing touch with this motivating principle. In this paper I explore the politicization of the program and argue that a re-focus is needed if the program is to serve in improving intercultural dialogue, understanding and tolerance, and ultimately peace.

To this end it is suggested that ways in which the World Heritage program might provide a stronger focus on dialogue-creation should be prioritized. These include giving priority to new transnational inscriptions and developing new stratagies for interpreting sites in more cross-culturally sensitive ways.

Policing, rule of law, state capacity and sustainable peace in Timor-Leste

This paper sets out to demonstrate the link between development, state capacity and peace, employing Timor-Leste as the case study. It employs the association between state capacity and development to illustrate where if state capacity is lacking or functions improperly there is likely to be a low level of state legitimacy. This in turn manifests as lack of respect for or failure of rule of law, developing as generalised lawlessness and anti-state activity and eventually manifesting as intra-state or civil conflict. In particular, policing is seen as a critical component in state legitimacy, being the 'front line' of the judicial system from which legitimacy ultimately derives. This issue is particularly critical in states emerging from traditional legal and judicial structures, but which have not yet articulated into 'rational-legal' structures. Ipso facto, key state institutions, such as the judicial system and police are required to function well, while these are alone not enough to guarantee peace, they are significant contributors to and guarantors of peace.

Aiming for world peace by promoting 'violence' in education

In order to contribute towards UNESCO’s goal of pursuing world peace, aims of education must transcend the limited scope of national self-interest which has dominated schooling systems in the West for the last two centuries and further back when the survival of each polis in Ancient Greece was of paramount importance. Aims must therefore become different and the environment that is thought best for this to occur is a democratic one. The case is made that such a democratic environment should involve opportunities to evaluate the value of current aims of education and to explore others in light of the pressing need to pursue peace on a global scale. In order to promote such a democratic environment of discussion and debate the notion of ‘violence’ is considered as a potential framework for such a re-evaluation. The sort of ‘violence’ that is called for is in reference to its use by Emmanual Levinas who employed it emotively to misinterpret Kierkegaard. The use of this misapplied term ‘violence’ may nevertheless be of use in initiating the sort of inquiry of a Deweyean type regarded here to be necessary to improve aims of education democratically in order to pursue world peace.