98 resultados para Sugar growing


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Background – Excessive consumption of sugar sweetened beverages (SSB) is a contributing factor in the occurrence of overweight and obesity. The high energy intake, low satiation, high glycemic index, and intense marketing are all thought to contribute to their over consumption. In addition, the role of the mildly-addictive chemical caffeine in SSB has been questioned (Griffiths and Vernotica, 2000, Keast and Riddell, 2007). We have previously shown that low concentrations of caffeine may decrease sweetness of sugars and thereby result in excess energy in SSB formulations (Ebbeling et al., 2006).
Objective – Without noticeably affecting flavour, to determine potential energy reduction when decreasing sucrose concentration from caffeinated and de-caffeinated SSB.
Design – Human psychophysical taste evaluations in water, sucrose and model SSB. Triangle forced-choice ascending method of limits was used to determine caffeine taste threshold in water and sucrose (n= 62). Directional paired comparison tests to determine 1/ the influence of caffeine on sweetness of sucrose (n= 23), and 2/ the nonperceivable difference when decreasing the sucrose and caffeine concentrations in a model SSB (n= 30).
Outcomes – Caffeine, at sub-threshold concentrations in common SSB (0.67mM) can be perceived in sucrose solutions because it significantly inhibits sweetness (p<0.001), the ‘caffeine sweetness effect’. Presumably coremoval of caffeine and sucrose could be achieved without affecting the sweetness of the SSB. Removing caffeine from the model SSB allowed an energy reduction of 137.4 KJ per 500 ml serving (12.6% sucrose reduction) without noticeably affecting flavour for 80% of the population. The energy reduction possible without co-removal of caffeine was a more modest 32 KJ per 500 ml serving (3.5% sucrose reduction).
Conclusion – Sub-threshold concentrations of caffeine suppress sweetness resulting in higher concentrations of sugars in SSB. Excessive consumption of SSB is linked to the obesity epidemic, and we suggest the removal of caffeine and subsequent removal of 137.4 KJ energy will have long term public health benefits.

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Objective: To model the health benefits and cost-effectiveness of banning television (TV) advertisements in Australia for energy-dense, nutrient-poor food and beverages during children's peak viewing times.

Methods: Benefits were modelled as changes in body mass index (BMI) and disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) saved. Intervention costs (AUD$) were compared with future health-care cost offsets from reduced prevalence of obesity-related health conditions. Changes in BMI were assumed to be maintained through to adulthood. The comparator was current practice, the reference year was 2001, and the discount rate for costs and benefits was 3%. The impact of the withdrawal of non-core food and beverage advertisements on children's actual food consumption was drawn from the best available evidence (a randomized controlled trial of advertisement exposure and food consumption). Supporting evidence was found in ecological relationships between TV advertising and childhood obesity, and from the effects of marketing bans on other products. A Working Group of stakeholders provided input into decisions surrounding the modelling assumptions and second-stage filters of 'strength of evidence', 'equity', 'acceptability to stakeholders', 'feasibility of implementation', 'sustainability' and 'side-effects'.

Results: The intervention had a gross incremental cost-effectiveness ratio of AUD$ 3.70 (95% uncertainty interval (UI) $2.40, $7.70) per DALY. Total DALYs saved were 37 000 (95% UI 16 000, 59 000). When the present value of potential savings in future health-care costs was considered (AUD$ 300m (95% UI $130m, $480m), the intervention was 'dominant', because it resulted in both a health gain and a cost offset compared with current practice.

Conclusions:
Although recognizing the limitations of the available evidence, restricting TV food advertising to children would be one of the most cost-effective population-based interventions available to governments today. Despite its economic credentials from a public health perspective, the initiative is strongly opposed by food and advertising industries and is under review by the current Australian government.

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Entrepreneurs are the engines that drive new companies and financing is the fuel that propels them. One form of that financing is called informal investing, sometimes called ''business angel activity'' (which we reserve for more professional and commercial investors). Informal investors use their own money and carry out their own due diligence to invest in the entrepreneurial opportunities of other entrepreneurs.

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As part of the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor project, we asked 2,000 adult New Zealanders if they have made a personal investment in a new firm in the past three years as well as the magnitude of their supPort, the nature of the businesses they sponsored, and their relationship with
the recipient. We compared these data on informal investment to data on venture capital obtained from national sources. We are thus able to compare New Zealand's performance to cross-national measures. We also surveyed 20 key informants/experts on questions on financing.
In New Zealand, venture capital accounts for only 0.80/o of total investment in new and growing start-ups. Yet New Zealand is world-ranked in terms of informal investment. In New Zealand, informal investment activity is 3.5olo of the national GDP amount. New Zealand is also a world leader in the prevalence of informal investors (percentage in the adult population). Seventy-three percent of informal investors put their money into a relative's or a friend's business. Fifty-eight Percent of New Zealand's informal investors are female, quite the reverse of the world pattern.

When we compare Australia and New Zealandlo the rest of the GEM world, Australia ranks favourably with the GEM globat measures in terms of venture capital as a percentage of GDp, while New Zealand does poorly. Australia also does about 40olo better than New Zealand in terms
of the amount of VC invested in individual companies. But New Zealand is clearly higher in the measures of informal investment.

We conclude with implications for entrepreneurs, policy makers, educators, researchers, and journalists. In a nutshell, they should pay more attention to the critical role of the four F's - family friends, founders, and "foolish" investors - in start-up ventures. Informal investment is a critical component of New Zealand's entrepreneurial process and thus to its economic growth. Perhaps fifty superstars with extraordinary opportunities will receive financing from the New Zealand Venture Investment Fund to launch their businesses. Meanwhile, the vast majority of firms rely on the 4Fs - friends, family founders, and "foolish" lnvestors.

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Sugar, tourism and garment industries are three of Fiji’s major industries. These industries have been undergoing some serious problems during the past decade. This paper analyses the performance of these industries, examines the problems besieging them, and looks at the potentials these industries have for the country. The paper also offers some suggestions which policy makers in Fiji could consider in order to ensure that these industries continue to benefit Fiji.

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The Fiji Government's inability to resolve the differences over land leases is widely seen as a major contributor to the difficulties experienced by the sugar industry. In this paper, however, a different perspective is provided on the industry's problems. In examining the relationship between the profitability of the Fiji Sugar Corporation and sugarcane production, it is found that profitability has had a statistically significant negative effect on sugarcane production, leading to the conclusion that the Fiji Sugar Corporation has been inefficient in the management of the mills, the rail transport system, and sugarcane research.