164 resultados para Race discrimination


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Localities Embracing and Accepting Diversity (LEAD) is an ongoing place-based pilot program aimed at improving health outcomes among Aboriginal and migrant communities through increased social and economic participation. Specifically, LEAD works with mainstream organizations to prevent race-based discrimination from occurring. The partnership model of LEAD was designed to create a community intervention that was evidence-based, effective, and flexible enough to respond to local contexts and needs. LEAD's complex organizational and partnership model, in combination with an innovative approach to reducing race-based discrimination, has necessitated the use of new language and communication strategies to build genuinely collaborative partnerships. Allocating sufficient time to develop strategies aligned with this new way of doing business has been critical. However, preliminary data indicate that a varied set of partners has been integral to supporting the widespread influence of the emerging LEAD findings across partner networks in a number of different sectors.

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Race has played an important part in US presidential politics in contemporary history. Different political parties and candidates have followed covert strategies playing on the prejudices of white voters both cognitively and emotionally by linking racerelated issues to the majority's individual and group interests. This elite discourse carried to the public by the mainstream media, along with media's practices of stereotyping, priming, framing and agenda setting, help to justify racial prejudice, discrimination against minorities and their marginalized status, while maintaining the status quo. Taking the social constructionist position, this case study examines the opinions expressed by a sample of undecided voters selected from different geographic locations at various stages of the 1992 US presidential campaign under the themes 'Candidates' racial prejudice' and 'Race is used as political strategy by candidates.'

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Nations zealously guard their borders and carefully vet migrants. This consigns many people to live in states not of their choice and often diminishes their opportunities and their level of flourishing. In some cases it is the difference between life and death. The practice of imposing migration controls is discriminatory. In fact it is the ultimate form of discrimination: 'super-discrimination.' There is no logical or moral reason why non-nationals of a state should not have the same opportunities and freedoms as nationals in that state. One of the most common forms of discrimination is race - treating a person differently simply because of their place of birth. This is one of the clearest and most repugnant forms of discrimination because the location where a person is born is of course merely a happy or unhappy circumstance over which the individual has no control. An accident of birth should not qualify a person for extra privileges or opportunities. The world is a fairer place if to the maximum extent possible luck is taken out of the process for allocating benefits and burdens - which ought to be distributed on the basis of merit and dessert. This paper examines whether there are sound reasons for restricting the flow of world-wide people movement. The main arguments in favour of this policy, relating to security and national building, are ultimately flawed. This exposes a tragic irony given the great efforts that many Western states - which typically have the strongest migration controls - make to stamp out discrimination at the domestic level, and the vast array of international law anti-discrimination instruments, loudly trumpeted by Western nations. This is hypocrisy nearing its finest. The substratum of sovereign states upon which available international law is built is inherently discriminatory and in fact is probably responsible for more harm as a result of the innately discriminatory immigration policies than results from the cumulative operation of all domestic discrimination. The world should move towards loosening migration controls. This would have an enormous number of humanistic benefits, not the least of which is largely eradicating world hunger and poverty.

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The White Australia policy continues to haunt Australia. Here, leading Australian scholars provide an informed debate on the essential issues of race, identity and nation that will determine our attitudes to immigration, multiculturalism and Australian-Asian engagement in the twenty-first century.

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Two key determinants of mental health are (a) freedom from discrimination and (b) social connectedness. Same-sex attracted youth who are subjected to violence and discrimination, or who experience homophobia in their everyday lives are at greater risk of mental health problems, including suicidal thoughts and behaviours. As one of the most significant sites of homophobia is the school, a 6-week school-based program designed to help students explore their attitudes to gays and lesbians was developed, called “Pride & Prejudice”. In order to evaluate the usefulness of the program, students’ attitudes were measured before and after their participation. Variables assessed were: beliefs about gender roles, social desirability, attitudes to gay men and lesbians, social connectedness, self-esteem, and attitudes to race. Attitudes towards gay men held by students were significantly more positive after the program, and the level of attendance during the program significantly predicted > this change. A significant positive change also occurred in attitudes towards lesbians. Process evaluation showed that students generally viewed the program positively. From this preliminary data, it can be concluded that school-based programs delivered to individual classes in which students are given the opportunity to explore their attitudes towards lesbians and gay men are likely to lead to a significant reduction in homophobia. Health-promoting schools now have available to them an effective tool for promoting opportunities for students to reflect on their attitudes towards gay men and lesbians, and other aspects of “social diversity”. It is hoped that school-wide implementation of such a program will eventually lead to a reduction in the discrimination same-sex attracted youth often experience (either directly, or indirectly), and improve the social-connectedness of all students.

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Recently proposed Anti-Racism Strategy established within a framework of the Australian Government's multicultural policy, People of Australia, identifies ‘youth engagement’ as one of the key areas that needs to be promoted and supported. Young people have been invited to join youth councils and youth forums and work with national, state and local policy-makers. Some have taken up this challenge and became public faces and active members of anti-racism campaigns. Others, however, either remained silent about the discrimination they face, or organised their own grassroots youth-based and youth-led initiatives. This paper discusses individual and collective responses to racism among young people in Australia, focusing on Melbourne, and examines possibilities in which racism, as a common experience among migrant youth, can be utilised to form alternative spaces for political action, challenging not only interpersonal, but also systemic forms of racism. By drawing attention towards institutional and systemic forms of racism, and the historical perpetuation of racist practices, these youth initiatives rely on legal measures, and argue that racism should be discussed in the context of the broader Australian society, not only in relation to minority groups.

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This text looks at the ways in which Australia's indigenous peoples have been, and continue to be, represented in books for children. These varying representations have helped to colour the attitudes, beliefs and assumptions of different generations of Australians.

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Examines the history of the Stawell Easter Gift from its beginnings in 1878 and, in doing so, tells the story of an Australian country town, its inhabitants, its visitors, its troubles and its traditions.

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Orientation detection and discrimination thresholds were measured for Gabor ‘envelopes’ formed from contrast-modulation of luminance ‘carriers’. Consistent with previous research differences between carrier and envelope orientation had no effect on sensitivity to envelopes. Using plaid carriers in which the proportion of contrast modulation ‘carried’ by each plaid component was systematically manipulated, it was shown that this tolerance to carrier-envelope orientation difference reflects linear summation across orientation indicative of a single second-stage channel coding for contrast-defined structure. That contrast envelopes did not exhibit linear summation across spatial-frequency, nor across combinations of orientation and spatial-frequency differences, suggests that these second-order channels operate only within certain spatial scales. Using arrays of Gabor micropatterns as carriers in which the orientation distribution of the carriers was manipulated independently of the difference between envelope orientation and mean carrier orientation, it was further demonstrated that the locus of orientation integration must occur prior to envelope detection. In the context of two-stage models that incorporate a non-linearity between the stages, the pattern of results obtained is consistent with the operation of an orientation pooling process between first-stage and second-stage channels, analogous to having all filters of the first-stage feed into all filters of the second-stage within the same spatial-frequency band.