53 resultados para REGIME SHIFTS


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While the Temporary Protection Visa (TPV) regime was formally introduced in October 1999 by the Howard Government, the concept of temporary protection was not totally alien to the Australian humanitarian landscape. Earlier examples reflected a standard use of temporary protection as a complementary or interim protection mechanism, offering short-term group-based protection where individual assessment under the 1951 Convention was both impractical and untimely. This paper focuses on the wider and more controversial changes in the use of temporary protection mechanisms that were to follow with the introduction of the TPV in 1999, which offered substitute protection for individually assessed Convention refugees who had arrived onshore without valid travel documents. It examines the history and evolution of the TPV policy regime from 1999 to the announcement of its abolition in 2008, arguing that the introduction and subsequent development of the policy may be understood as a product of a conservative, exclusionist political climate in Australia, following the unprecedented impact of the populist One Nation party in 1998, and later, the impact of September 11th. It also examines later amendments to the regime as a response to growing domestic disquiet about the impacts of the policy, and the abolition of the TPV policy under a new Australian government elected in late 2007.

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Foundational to both the operation and legitimation of our traditional media is the idea of representation: in some sense the images of television, the sounds of radio, the narratives of film, and the various public personalities stand in or in place of ourselves. Likewise our contemporary political system function as an elaborate representational system, where regions, "seats", electorates, the nation, and the nationstate are represented by individuals, parties and symbols. Although, there are differences between and among modern nation-states as clearly different political and cultural agendas are at play, the interplay of contemporary media, culture and politics has produced what can be called a 'representational regime' that more or less operates globally, albeit fragmented into national and regional groupings.

This paper explores the initial stages in the breakdown of this system of representation that has allowed a certain organization of culture and politics to expand and develop over the last two centuries. It acknowledges that central to this regime is something Nick Couldry has identified as "the myth of the mediated centre" (Couldry, 2003). What the paper argues, and therefore differs from Couldry's conclusion, is that there are cracks in the glue that holds the system together and they are emerging in the uses of new media. Through an exploration of presentational media - that is, media that is more involved with the presentation of the self for public/private and networked consumption than traditional media's effort to embody their audience in its narratives - the paper reaches for conclusions that identify a more elaborate legitimation crisis looming in our political and cultural worlds.

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We investigate the time-series properties of Australian and New Zealand real interest rates within a Markov-switching framework. This enables us to identify characteristics in real interest rate behavior hitherto unacknowledged. We find that rates switch between alternative stationary regimes characterized by differing means, speeds of mean-reversion and volatility. For New Zealand, high rates of inflation increase the probability of remaining in a regime characterized by a faster speed of adjustment. Further application of this methodology considers the real interest rate differential between Australia and New Zealand and points to differing regimes based on volatility rather than persistence.

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This thesis found that in post-Soeharto Indonesia, a theoretical approach that used civil society as the prism through which to examine more subtle processes of power in group situations, proved more insightful (both for researchers and practioners) than relying on an examination of the strength or the development of civil society.

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This thesis, by using evaluative criteria based on overseas law, scientific evidence, philosophy and ethics, concluded that the Australian legal regime regarding animal based bio-medical research for human benefit only partly met one of that regime's major objectives of adequately protecting research animals during the entire research process.

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The research successfully showed how biological communities change in wetlands that are affected by salinity and altered water regimes as a result of irrigation and river regulation. As an outcome of the study, recommendations have been made for the future management of wetlands in the Kerang region in northern Victoria.

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Provides a critical analysis of trends in health policy which are impacting on the role and practice of generalist community nurses in Victoria. The thesis draws on critical social theory to research and analyse trends in health policy in relation to the Community Health Program.

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This paper examines what, if any changes should be made regarding certain aspects of the superannuation system. Specifically, it looks at possible changes to the superannuation tax regime, measures intended at increasing superannuation balances, as well as policies aimed at improving the price and availability of retirement income streams. The recommendations of the final report of the Henry Review on these issues are also critically evaluated. The paper finds that a greater targeting of superannuation tax concessions towards middle and lower income earners would make the system more equitable and achieve other desirable goals such as increasing voluntary savings. Furthermore, the available evidence suggests that the current mandatory contributions rate of 9% is adequate, and a higher contributions rate is likely to have more costs than benefits. On the issue of superannuation income streams, the article finds that whilst taxpayers should continue to be allowed to take their superannuation as a lump sum, policies should be implemented to make lifetime annuities more readily available and better value for money. The Henry Review's recommendations on these issues, with some exceptions, are for the most part sound and based on logic.

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Large disruptions of chronobiological rhythms are documented as destabilizing individuals with bipolar disorder; however, the impact of small phase altering events is unclear. Australian suicide data from 1971 to 2001 were assessed to determine the impact on the number of suicides of a 1-h time shift due to daylight saving. The results confirm that male suicide rates rise in the weeks following the commencement of daylight saving, compared to the weeks following the return to eastern standard time and for the rest of the year. After adjusting for the season, prior to 1986 suicide rates in the weeks following the end of daylight saving remained significantly increased compared to the rest of autumn. This study suggests that small changes in chronobiological rhythms are potentially destabilizing in vulnerable individuals.

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China's profile in the nuclear nonproliferation regime is changing at a crucial time. The regime is under considerable internal and external strain as a result of eroding international support and trends in vertical and horizontal nuclear proliferation. While China's nonproliferation agenda and approach differ in some respects from those of other key actors, the gap separating China from the established drivers of efforts to address horizontal nuclear proliferation in terms of the objectives, institutions, and approach of the nonproliferation regime is diminishing, and there is considerable potential for China to contribute to the capacity of the regime to adapt to changing requirements. The Asia-Pacific region features both as the area of greatest nonproliferation concern to China and as the area where proliferation concerns are most likely to spur the further qualitative development of Chinese nonproliferation policy.

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This article is concerned with the reproduction of gender inequality in social work and the extent to which the presence of men in the profession challenges discriminatory processes and occupational segregation. Although it is argued that men need to take more responsibility for caring roles in professions like social work, many of the rationales for encouraging more men to enter social work are unlikely to support alternative masculinities that will challenge gender inequalities. Only a profeminist commitment informing antisexist practices will enable men to address gender inequality in social work.