Market virtues and public failures : antecedents to public sector reform in the contract state

This paper considers the historical factors that have contributed to the pressures for reform in the Australian State of Victoria which proved to be more radical than paths taken by the Commonwealth Government and any other Australian states. As public management in Victoria made tentative steps towards market orientated practices, the inexperienced public officials, together with a mixture of political, economic, administrative and social factors made the government more vulnerable to a perceived need for reform. Australia, like the United Kingdom and New Zealand with which it shares similarities of government structure, commenced the path of reform in a tentative manner with major reforms being implemented by powerful leaders. Powerful reformers were Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom, a group of like minded politicians from Treasury in New Zealand and in the Australian State of Victoria, Jeff Kennett. Each capitalised on a sense of crises to move their reform agenda forward at a rapid pace. Victoria is offered as an illustration of how the past provides a means of understanding why Premier Jeff Kennett was able during the 1990's, to implement public sector reform into Victoria in such a dramatic way.

The square from inside out: Federation Square, Melbourne

This XXlst Annual Conference of SAHANZ offers a timely opportunity for celebrating and critically reflecting on Federation Square, Melbourne - a project that continually crosses the line between the purely experimental and the built form (A Benjamin, 2003) and offers an opportunity to identify and investigate the different, often competing, limits within the discipline of architecture. Here in this project, considered by the city of Melbourne to point to its future aspirations; and by the RAIA as demonstrating 'the strength of design and the leap into the unknown which is where good design always comes from' (I McDougall, 2003), different approaches to the possibilities of 'limit' as a contemporary concern can be fruitfully explored. Architectural masterpieces are daringly imaginative and each in their own way challenges architects, engineers, builders and technologists - those who are to realise the dream - and makes administrators, politicians and governments put their credibility on the line. So how does Federation Square contribute to contemporary architectural debate, specifically to Melbourne architecture? How has it dealt with thresholds? Where has It approached, crossed and/or exceeded boundaries? This paper will deal with design aesthetics in the realisation of the Lab architects 'vision' in the context of historical, urban and political realities. Analysis will provide insights into the limitations imposed upon this architectural project and the limitations it now, in turn, imposes on the city. Two aspects will be dealt with: understanding Lab's overall vision, and juxtaposing the vision with the reality of Federation Square. The author's interview with Don Bates, principal Lab architecture studio, forms the frame argument about Federation Square in this paper.

A new nation : members of the Federation Conference recently held at Melbourne, Australia

The delegates are numbered and their names listed below the print: 1.M'Millan, 2.A. Inglis Clarke, 3.Sir John Hall, 4.Captain Russell, 5.Macrossan, 6.Sir Samuel Griffith, 7.Sir Henry Parkes, 8.Playford, 9.Premier Gillies, 10.Deakin, 11.Dr. Cockburn, 12.B.S. Bird, 13.Sir J. Lee Steere, 14. Secretary Jenkins.

Watt family group on the front steps of Arilpa

From left to right (back row): unidentified lady, Mrs Watt?, Hal (baby), William Alexander Watt; (front row): Eleanor, Rhona, unidentified child.

Anglo-Indians in Hollywood, Bollywood and arthouse cinema

Apart from a few disparaging remarks about offensive stereotypes by Anglo-Indian writers and politicians such as Gloria Jean Moore, Frank Anthony and Gillian Hart, critics have paid very little attention to the representation of “mixed-race” Anglo-Indians in the cinema. Drawing on screen theory and recent theories of cinema spectatorship, this essay provides a comparative analysis of how Hollywood, Bollywood and arthouse films represent Anglo-Indians. More specifically, it analyses three paradigmatic films: Bhowani Junction (1956), Julie (1975), and 36 Chowringhee Lane (1981). Combining formal analysis of narrative structure, mise-en-scegravene and genre with historical analysis, the paper examines the ideological work performed by these texts, which use Anglo-Indians to dramatise specific political conflicts in India such as those generated by the British partition of India in 1947 and the more recent issue of globalisation.

Che Vuoi? Politico-philosophical remarks on Leo Strauss' Spinoza

Rumors surrounding the Hebraic-American classical philosopher Leo Strauss’ supposed influence on leading neoconservative politicians and commentators make reconsidering Leo Strauss’ thought and legacy a philosophical task of the first political importance today. A host of articles have appeared by students and (more recently) books by Stephen Smith (2006), Heinrich Meier (2006) and Catherine and Michael Zuckert (2006). This essay is proffered as a critical contribution, by a non-Straussian student, to this literature. Its methodology and justification is to return to and reconsider Strauss’ earliest works, on the ‘political theology’ of Benedict de Spinoza. The paper argues two theses. The first is that the popular depiction of Strauss as an esoteric Nietzschean hiding behind a ‘noble’ classical or theological veneer importantly misses the mark. The second is that Strauss’ early work shows his proximity, via Jacobi, to the Heideggerian disclosure of the groundless grounds of philosophical reason, given which one must extra-rationally choose reason over faith. One striking implication of this argument, in the contemporary political climate, is to underscore the unlikely convergence between the philosophical sources of neoconservative and the ‘post-structuralist’ thought associated with much of the intellectual left in France and the Anglophone world. Yet in contrast to the widespread image of Strauss, I argue that the mature Strauss’ continuing commitment to this decisionistic framework is in fact most clear is his ‘exoteric,’ public statements on religion – i.e. it is not the ‘esoteric’ purloined letter Strauss’ critics seek out. The reason for Strauss’ continuing public advocacy of the impossibility of reason’s disproving faith, I propose, highlights the primarily political (versus philosophical) nature of this turn: in Strauss’ conservative acceptance of the political necessity of religion for social order, framed in terms of a revised commitment to the ‘medieval’ (versus modern) enlightenment of Maimonides and Farabi.

"Sins of their fathers" : culturally at risk children and the colonial state in Asia

In contact with their foreign surroundings, European enclaves throughout imperial Asia and Africa formed new cultural communities. Nevertheless, over time as Cooper and Stoler (1997) have argued, such colonial communities became subject to the same bourgeois project as experienced in the metropolitan centres to which they remained connected. If, in terms of that project, metropolitan European society was deemed vulnerable from a brutish and unruly working class, these colonial outposts of Western society were even more vulnerable to what was deemed to be the more insidious dangers of miscegenation and cultural hybridity. Where nineteenth century educators typically suggested that working class children were “at risk” of not being able to benefit from, and simultaneously representing “a risk to”, the emerging opportunities of bourgeois capitalist society, this “risk” was accentuated in the colonies by the additional category of race. Focussing on the question of children of mixed parentage as a category of “children at risk”, this paper examines the way educationists and politicians responded to what was perceived as “civilisational decline” in four such communities - the Dutch East Indies, British India, (British) Australia and French Indo-China - to demonstrate the universality of these concerns in Imperial Asia.

Role of daylight in preserving identities in heritage context

The narrow alleys and the small neighbourhood squares are the most recognisable urban configuration forms that highlight the fabrics of Old Cairo. Parts of Old Cairo are currently going through major conservation projects. The extent of the success of some of these projects in preserving the identity of the Cairene context is currently under scrutiny and has created a debate among local residents, professionals, and politicians. Preliminary investigation has been conducted to assess the rehabilitation strategy of the selected case of el-Darb el-Asfar in relation to its context. Daylight is an essential contextual ingredient that characterises particular places from its counterparts. The rehabilitation project, using new finishing materials, has led to changes in daylight levels and reflections in the space and hence modify the visual perception and the identity of the place itself. This paper aims to assess the impact of the proposed intervention on the visual perception and the identity of the selected built heritage. Daylight variables in open spaces, a combination of sunlight, skylight and the reflected light from the facades and the ground, are identified. Using TOWNSCOPE, daylight's components are calculated pre and after the implementation of the project. The performance of reflected component is traced by simulating the impact of the original and recently used materials. The paper concludes by suggesting a set of measures to achieve an appropriate daylight performance to achieve a sustainable development in the area and maintain the identity of the old city.

Politics and technology : friends or enemies of the story?

Taking its cue from the conference at which it was presented, this article considers both old stories and new ways, and addresses the question of the impact not only of new technology but also of politics upon 'the story'. Fundamental is the question of whether politics and technology might be considered friends or enemies of the story. Drawing on her long term experiences as an interviewer, the author interrogates particular oral history projects undertaken into children's play lore and play ways, to show how children's games and play time activities have been politicised. Locating her analysis in an international context of US legislation and British and Australian research, the author examines how play itself has become the plaything of both politicians and fear. She then examines the impact of high fidelity recording equipment and the universal accessibility of material located on the internet to address the question of technology as friend of the story, ultimately concluding that the story and the question will both go on.

150 years of democracy? The case of New South Wales

New South Wales has a rich history of parliamentary democracy. As the oldest of the Australian States, it has provided a microcosm of the evolution of modern British-style democracy from the ‘hustings’ of the early colonial to the harbour views of the contemporary politicians’ offices. New South Wales’ political history is also rich with experimentation. The early introduction of the secret ballot, payment for members, the abolition of plural voting, and adult suffrage are well known. Although it needs to be recognized that it followed slightly behind that ‘ Paradise of Dissent’ South Australia on all those features.

Equally fascinating is the role of the Labour Party, whose campaigning on behalf of adult suffrage and payment for Members is fairly well known. Less known, but of great interest, were its activities on behalf of electoral reform, political accountability and easier enrolment and voting, particularly for ‘ itinerants’ at a time when its political base was in the rural workforce. New South Wales Labour was significant for its decision to stand alone, in contrast with its Victorian and New Zealand counterparts, which threw in their lot with the Progressives.

Encouraging governments to enhance the happiness of their nation : Step 1: understand subjective wellbeing

This article considers the issue of facilitating policies that enhance population happiness. An impediment to such action is the failure of most policy makers to understand that subjective wellbeing can be measured and understood within the framework of science. Additionally, they fail to realize that enhancing the subjective wellbeing of populations enhances not only the functioning of individuals but that of the population as a whole. A framework for understanding calls on the Theory of Subjective Wellbeing Homeostasis and data from the Australian Unity Wellbeing Index. This Index has been used to monitor the subjective wellbeing of the Australian population over the 6-year period 2001–2006. The article begins by a description of the subjective wellbeing construct and the theory that it is homeostatically managed. The operation of homeostasis makes very determined predictions as to the kinds of relationships that should be found in association with various environmental challenges and resources. These predictions will be examined in the light of the data from our surveys and the benefits of population happiness will be discussed. Finally, consideration will be given as to and how such understanding may be conveyed to politicians, in order to assist the development of policies aimed at enhancing the level of happiness in society.

Tariff protection and politics : Castlemaine 1870-1901

This study, set within the contextual background of Victorian politics, ‘seeks to identify the economic, political and social implications of tariff protection for the Castlemaine region from 1870-1901. The introduction of the Victorian tariff in 1865 precipitated a reversal of earlier attitudes towards protection by politicians and their constituents. Reasons are sought for changes in the perceptions of the Castlemaine electorate and its political representatives towards the tariff between 1870 and Federation. An examination has been made of the role of the tariff in the creation of employment in the region’s primary and secondary industries together with its influence on politicians, primary and secondary industry leaders and workers. Also explored is the relative impact of the tariff on the economic performance of Castlemaine industries, whether producing for export or domestic markets.

Australia and East Timor : elitism, pragmatism and the national interest

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.