77 resultados para National security - Japan


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Mainstream security analyses and security models are discussed. The central argument is that the multi-dimensional conditions, which are considered by analysts as central to the security of all collectives, are not representative of all cultures. Therefore, mainstream models are not suitable for every security collective's cultural security requirements.

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Australia has developed sophisticated national security policies and physical security agencies to protect against current and future security threats associated with critical infrastructure protection and cyber warfare protection. This paper will discuss some of the common security risks that face Australia and how their government policies and strategies have been developed and changed over time, for example, the proposed Australian Homeland Security department. This paper will discuss the different steps that Australia has undertaken in relation to developing national policies to deal with critical infrastructure protection.

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 This article draws on fourth generation strategic culture debates to show the gap between the rhetoric of Australian defence and the more modest reality. Our analysis shows that these limits derive from tensions between national strategic culture and organizational strategic subcultures. There are serious debates in the nation regarding the preferred course of the Australian military and security policy. This article frames these debates by examining the ‘keepers’ of Australia's national strategic culture, the existence of several competing strategic subcultures, and the importance of norm entrepreneurs in changing defence and national security thinking. Strategic subcultures foster compartmentalization, constraints, and bureaucratic silos that narrow national conceptions of security threats and opportunities, and impinge on the formation of coherent foreign and defence policy in relation to the Asia-Pacific region. This analysis shows that a distinct national strategic culture and organizational strategic subcultures endure beyond individual governments, placing potential limits on Australia's interface with other Asia-Pacific strategic cultures in the future.

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Security provisioning is an essential part in the design of any communication systems, which becomes more critical for wireless systems. Devising a quality of service (QoS) mechanism to coexist security algorithms is a daunting, yet inevitable task. The aim of this novel research article is to present a novel energy efficient, cross-layer-based application-layer wireless system with simultaneous security and QoS supports, which revolves around the practical and low-cost implementation of Suite-B cryptographic algorithms (promulgated by the National Security Agency) and detailed analyses of the associated complexities. The focus of this article is on the novel cross-layer mechanism and its effectiveness to handle QoS-enabled treatment while offering security enhancements.

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Security networks are increasing in number and in importance across the security field as a means of providing inter-agency coordination. On the basis of a detailed qualitative study of networks in the field of national security in Australia, this article aims to advance our knowledge of the internal properties of security networks and conditions shaping their performance. It places ‘cooperation’, ‘coordination’ and ‘collaboration’ on a continuum, with cooperation at one end and collaboration at the other end, and aims to illustrate how each of these ‘Cs’ shape the performance of security networks. The central argument is that the performance of security networks increases as the network moves from cooperation to collaboration. Drawing on interviews with senior members of security, law enforcement and intelligence agencies, the article aims to highlight the lessons for how to strategically manage security networks in ways that promote collaboration.

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The legal and institutional arrangements for Australian security and intelligence underwent major changes in the 1970s. Existing agencies were publicly acknowledged for the first time, new agencies were established, new powers of investigation and surveillance were introduced and an emergent ‘intelligence community’ was formed. As in Canada (and the USA), numerous ‘crises’ in Australian intelligence practices led to and informed various commissions of inquiry that made visible previously hidden intelligence institutions and associated surveillance practices. Subsequent inquiries, security and intelligence plans, national statements and reforms in Australia built upon these developments, which were indicative of a good measure of continuity in intelligence and surveillance arrangements. This chapter identifies how intelligence and security arrangements were 'problematised’ from the 1970s, and a new ‘intelligence community’ was created as an object of governing.

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This paper examines the impact of a politics of resentment, neo‐liberal policies, and security concerns on issues of gender justice in schools in various western countries. We argue that since the 1990s gender justice in schools has been severely hampered by a politics of resentment, or backlash politics, and the presence of neo‐liberal discourses in education. Furthermore, we contend that current national security concerns in the post‐September 11 context have compounded many of the challenges posed by these trends. We detail how such trends have produced constructions of boys as oppressed, as problems and as dangerous. We argue for a problematising of such constructions and of the anti‐feminist, masculinist and imperialist discourses undergirding them. We propose that moving beyond such essentialising towards gender justice in education will require a critical engagement with the ways in which national security issues, such as the “war on terror”, are working alongside backlash politics and neo‐liberal discourses to distort gender equity and schooling priorities.

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Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in New York City, many countries including Australia and Malaysia have been able to justify the use biometric devices such as finger print scans, retina scans and facial recognition for identification and surveillance of its citizens and others in the name of national security. In addition, biometric devices are increasingly being used worldwide by organizations to keep track of their employees and their productivity, leading to concerns of privacy, the safety, reliability, abuse and misuse of the data collected and violations of civil liberties. Taking the critical theory perspective, this paper will analyse the data collected and report on the findings of a survey carried out in Australia and Malaysia, with respect to the responses provided and opinions expressed to the survey s open ended and other questions
by individuals as to their current use, experiences, preferences, concerns about the devices and the situations in which they think biometric devices should be used, including in their workplaces. This descriptive study uses both quantitative and qualitative data to examine what Australians and Malaysians think about the use of biometric devices in everyday situtions
and compare them as to their similarities and differences. The paper will then critically examine the ethical and civil liberties issues involved in the use of biometric devices in everyday life and argues that regulatory and legal measures should be taken to safeguard the rights of citizens while maintaining national security and productivity, in order to avoid the situation of Michel Foucaults Panopticon becoming an unpleasant everyday reality, which could negatively irifluence socialjustice and create social change due to its effects on individuals in two multicultural societies. The paper will argue about the need to educate the general public as to the issues of surveillance and privacy involved in the use of biometric devices in everyday situations.

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Since the September 11,2001 terrorist attacks in New York City, many countries including Australia have been able to justify the use of biometric devices for identification and surveillance of their own citizens and others in the name of national security.

This paper reports on the preliminary findings of a survey that examined Australians' views and experiences with the use of biometric devices in everyday situations in the context of their potential to serve as a 'Panopticon' to keep the nation's citizenry under surveillance. It discusses the adoption of the new communication technology from the point of view of the Justification model that sees technology choice as social
gambling and the pluralist view of technology that sees technology as neutral in itself but as having negative or positive effects on society based on how It is used.

The paper proposes the need for Australian society to balance citizens' right to privacy and civil liberties with the right to stay alive and safe from terrorism and how it may be done with the necessary legal and regulator)' safeguards.

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At a time of increasing national security, this article explores the ways in which migrant communities from Asia feel a sense of attachment to exclusive and inclusive forms of national citizenship while at the same time maintaining transnational links. Drawing on data from the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes (2003), the study utilises a quantitative methodology. The strength of this methodological approach lies in its capacity to describe the importance of different categories in shaping public opinion on citizenship and transnational connections in Asia. This study compares the views of Asian-Australians with the rest of the Australian population.