57 resultados para Indigenous policy


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The purpose of this discussion paper is to stimulate an examination of critical issues in Indigenous higher education and encourage new possibilities to be explored. It invites a wide sharing of views. The paper
does not attempt to trace the full history of the policies for Indigenous higher education and the successes and failures. The focus instead is on the major contemporary issues and the key questions that might be considered by the conference participants.

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Collaborative research undertaken in the state of Queensland, Australia, resulted in major changes in cervical cancer screening and treatment for Indigenous women. Guided by an Indigenous statewide reference group and with an Indigenous researcher playing a lead role, qualitative data were collected using interviews, focus groups, and larger community meetings; and case studies were conducted with health workers and community members from diverse rural, remote and urban communities, to explore the different cultural and structural factors affecting understanding and awareness of cervical cancer and Indigenous women's use of and access to health services for screening, diagnosis and treatment. These data were supplemented by an analysis of clinical data and health service checklists. We discuss the methodology and summarize the key social and structural factors that discourage women from presenting for screening or returning for follow-up. These include women's misunderstanding of cervical cancer screening, fear of cancer, distrust of health services, poor recall and follow-up systems, and the economic and social burden to women presenting for treatment. We describe how the research process and subsequent activities provided Indigenous women with a vehicle for their own advocacy, resulting in important policy and program changes.

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In February 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologised to the Stolen Generations on behalf of the Australian people. Now what? In this Platform Paper, mid-career Indigenous performing artists think about their post-apology future. Indigenous theatre blossomed in the 1990s when it was grasped as a means to expose social issues and advance the goals of Reconciliation. Now that generation of artists questions these motives. For some, history and community are central; others are impatient with 'your genre is black' and demand the professional respect they have earned. "Indigenous artists", says director Wesley Enoch, "have been asked for decades to work at their slowest, to bring everyone along with them. It's the equivalent of asking Cathy Freeman to run slowly, so that everyone can keep up with her." Glow and Johanson provide a forum for practitioners like Rachel Maza-Long, David Milroy, Stephen Page and Rhoda Roberts. Together they call for an end to second-best; and for measures that respond with post-apology confidence to the vision and inspiration that, in the opinion of the Australia Council, "remain at the heart of Australia's culture" .

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Indigenous arts are significant to the way Australia is represented to the world. Since the early 19705 Indigenous cultural policies, at both federal and state levels, have helped to shape the development of Indigenous performing arts in Australia. Over this period, cultural policies, in confluence with the aims of Indigenous artists and civil rights activists, have produced and reproduced instrumentalist rationales for the support of Indigenous arts. In particular, the sector has deployed <helping' rationales for cultural policies which focus on social and economic outcomes. This article addresses current debates around the instrumentalist purposes of cultural policy and the participation of Indigenous practitioners in reproducing the 'helping' discourse. The article, however, finds evidence of a recent break in the consensus which sees some Indigenous artists resisting the historical imperative for their arts practice to be exclusively focused on instrumentalist outcomes.

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Issue addressed: The complexities encountered in an Indigenous community when a white project support team assisted a school (Bwgcolman on Palm Island, Queensland) to implement MindMatters, a centralised, national project aiming to promote the psychosocial health of young Australians through the development of a comprehensive, school- based mental health promotion program. Approach: The MindMatters consortium offered pilot schools curriculum materials, professional development for staff, funding and ongoing support at a local level in return for their participation in the project. The support team flew to the island on two occasions to provide support. Conclusion: Whether or not MindMatters constituted a community project at Bwgcolman is debatable. Nevertheless, the project at Bwgcolman was considered a 'success' by key players since initial aims identified by the school were tangible (eg, professional development, curriculum development) and met in a way that the school could take ownership of. Additionally, behavioural management policy was implemented in a manner that was cognisant of a history of coercive relations with Indigenous communities. So what?: It is important in the telling of the success story at Bwgcolman that even though MindMatters endeavoured to be culturally sensitive, it was nevertheless a centralist mental health promotion program. Future mental health promotion initiatives need to be aware that the approach of the support team in attempting to hand back some community control at the local level may have played a role in the school succeeding.

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Over-representation of indigenous persons in the criminal justice system has changed little since the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADIC) - claim by the Victorian Department of Justice that a key recommendation of RCIADIC had been implemented, namely that imprisonment should be a sentence of last resort for indigenous offenders - how to ensure that imprisonment is a sanction of last resort when indigenous prisoners present for sentence.

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This paper reports on the findings of a four-year study that seeks to understand the experiences and career pathways of Indigenous teachers in Australia. We present data obtained from in-depth interviews with current and former teachers in order to provide a qualitative account of what lies behind demographic trends in Indigenous teacher recruitment and retention in Australia. The paper highlights the expectations of school and wider communities that Indigenous teachers will be 'all things to all people' and will fill a number of complex and sometimes conflicting roles within and beyond classrooms. We speculate that these expectations contribute to their decisions to resign from the school system to work elsewhere. We also introduce and problematise the notion of the Indigenous teacher as a category in the consciousness of teachers, administrators and other participants in the discourses of Australian schooling.
We conclude by arguing the need for non-Indigenous student-teachers to be better prepared to work alongside Indigenous colleagues and to take more active roles in the implementation of policy and initiatives around Indigenous education. The paper also raises implications for the recruitment and retention of Indigenous teachers.

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This paper reviews literature between 1974 and 2007 that addresses the impact of sociocultural factors on reported patterns of eating, physical activity (activity) and body size of Tongans and indigenous Fijians (Fijians) in their countries of origin. There have been changes in diet (more imported and fewer traditional foods), activity (reduced, especially in urban settings), residence (rural-urban shift) and body size (increased obesity and at a younger age). The prevalence of overweight/obesity in Tongans and Fijians has increased rapidly over the last two decades and remains among the highest in the world (>80% in Tonga; >40% in Fiji), with more females reported to be obese than males. The few studies that investigated sociocultural influences on patterns of eating, activity and/or body size in this population have examined the impact of hierarchical organisation, rank and status (sex, seniority), values (respect, care, co-operation) and/or role expectations. It is important to examine how sociocultural factors influence eating, activity and body size in order to i) establish factors that promote or protect against obesity, ii) inform culturally-appropriate interventions to promote healthy lifestyles and body size, and iii) halt the obesity epidemic, especially in cultural groups with a high prevalence of obesity. There is an urgent need for more systematic investigations of key sociocultural factors, whilst taking into account the complex interplay between sociocultural factors, behaviours and other influences (historical; socioeconomic; policy; external global influences; physical environment).

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This article reports on a qualitative research study undertaken with Indigenous government employees to explore ways in which Indigenous communities can access programs involving caring for Country' (knowledge, responsibility and inherent right to protect the traditional natural landscape) on their traditional land and, in so doing. improve their health. Factors that optimise such nature-based projects are the capacity of their intention to build relationships, consultation. transparency, consistency, education and training between Indigenous communities. government and the general public. Government agencies need to develop strategies where partnership and collaboration are effective with Indigenous communities and within the agencies themselves, in order to resolve controversial issues surrounding access to Country.

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Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.

A Community Reference Group guided the work of the project at all stages, endorsed the findings and drafted the recommendations. The two elders who had identified the need for the project formed the core of the group, and worked on the project from start to finish. At different times during the project, other community members joined the group to assist in its work, including training Aboriginal researchers, letting others know about the forums, discussing findings and drafting recommendations.

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Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.

A Community Reference Group guided the work of the project at all stages, endorsed the findings and drafted the recommendations. The two elders who had identified the need for the project formed the core of the group, and worked on the project from start to finish. At different times during the project, other community members joined the group to assist in its work, including training Aboriginal researchers, letting others know about the forums, discussing findings and drafting recommendations.
Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.


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Background : Efficiency and equity are both important policy objectives in resource allocation. The discipline of health economics has traditionally focused on maximising efficiency, however addressing inequities in health also requires consideration. Methods to incorporate equity within economic evaluation techniques range from qualitative judgements to quantitative outcomes-based equity weights. Yet, due to definitional uncertainties and other inherent limitations, no method has been universally adopted to date. This paper proposes an alternative cost-based equity weight for use in the economic evaluation of interventions delivered from primary health care services.

Methods :
Equity is defined in terms of 'access' to health services, with the vertical equity objective to achieve 'equitable access for unequal need'. Using the Australian Indigenous population as an illustrative case study, the magnitude of the equity weight is constructed using the ratio of the costs of providing specific interventions via Indigenous primary health care services compared with the costs of the same interventions delivered via mainstream services. Applying this weight to the costs of subsequent interventions deflates the costs of provision via Indigenous health services, and thus makes comparisons with mainstream more equitable when applied during economic evaluation.

Results :
Based on achieving 'equitable access', existing measures of health inequity are suitable for establishing 'need', however the magnitude of health inequity is not necessarily proportional to the magnitude of resources required to redress it. Rather, equitable access may be better measured using appropriate methods of health service delivery for the target group. 'Equity of access' also suggests a focus on the processes of providing equitable health care rather than on outcomes, and therefore supports application of equity weights to the cost side rather than the outcomes side of the economic equation.

Conclusion : Cost-based weights have the potential to provide a pragmatic method of equity weight construction which is both understandable to policy makers and sensitive to the needs of target groups. It could improve the evidence base for resource allocation decisions, and be generalised to other disadvantaged groups who share similar concepts of equity. Development of this decision-making tool represents a potentially important avenue for further health economics research.