54 resultados para Election of places


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Ethno-Architecture and the Politics of Migration explores the interface between migration and architecture. Cities have been substantially affected by transnational migration but the physical manifestations of migration in architecture and its effect on streetscape, neighbourhood and city – have so far been under-studied. This contributed volume examines how migrants interact with, adapt and construct new architecture. Looking at the physical, urban and cultural impact of these changes on a variety of sites, the authors explore architecture as an identity category and investigate what buildings and places associated with migration tell us about central questions of belonging, culture, community and home in regions such as North America, Australia and the UK. This book makes an important contribution to debates on place identity and the transformation of places as a result of mobility and globalised economies in the twenty-first century.

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Modifying single transferable vote (STV) by removing candidates according to their Borda scores creates a new vote counting system (STV-B) that is not quasi-chaotic, results in proportional representation, and promotes the election of moderate candidates. Dummett, M.A.E. [1997. Principles of Electoral Reform. Oxford University, New York] noted quasi-chaos in STV and proposed the “Quota/Borda system” (QBS) as a solution. STV-B and QBS retain proportional representation from STV, permit some influence on candidate selection to occur between voting blocks thereby promoting moderate results, and are much more stable than STV when subjected to small changes in voter preferences. Under STV-B, and not QBS, a minority that shares some preferences may elect a candidate even if the minority is not a solid coalition.

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Anti-American sentiment has, it would seem, increased in the wake of the election of George Bush, jr. and the US’s response to the events of
September 11. Commentators within the US, and globally, have analysed the recent variants of a long-standing condition. Below is a review of recent coverage of the phenomenon. The entries for the print sources are divided into:

(1) analyses of anti-Americanism written in the US,
(2) accounts of international expressions of anti-Americanism.

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Currently, women occupy less than 20% of places in the ICT courses offered by higher education institutions in Victoria and, as of 2007, women held only 16% of ICT jobs in the state (Multimedia Victoria 2008 p 25). At the secondary school level there has in fact been a marked downturn in girls' interest in such courses, reflecting a more general decline in female participation in ICT courses and careers. Given that there has also been a decline in overall student ICT numbers, there is a strong case to develop programs aimed to convince female students that an ICT career or course is an attractive option for their future. The Digital Divas program is one such course.

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It is arguable that the 2007 election was decided on longer term issues, and longer term campaigning. This article focuses on the campaigning side. The campaigning commenced with the election of Labor's new leadership team of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard in December 2006. The Howard Coalition Government, after a minor cabinet reshuffle, pressed on with the promotion of its policies and programmes; but by May 2007 was forced to change tack, making concessions on the unpopular WorkChoices policy, and then introducing a controversial Aboriginal intervention programme. The election campaign was anti-climactic. The article includes a postscript on the election aftermath, comparing Kevin Rudd with Gough Whitlam in his rapid implementation of key campaign policies.

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When republics, beginning with India in 1949, were first admitted to the Commonwealth of Nations, Australia remained strongly attached to the Crown and the King’s (later the Queen’s) role as Head of the Commonwealth. Indeed, many Australians had seen a shared Crown as axiomatic, and a symbol of Commonwealth unity. Despite bursts of republicanism in Australia during the 19th and 20th centuries, it was not until the 1990s that a republic appeared likely. One historic driver of anti-British Australian republicanism has been the Irish heritage of many Australians. As republicanism grew, it was important that Australia could remain in the Commonwealth as a republic. The past decade has seen a stronger sentiment in Australia than in the other ‘old Dominions’—New Zealand and Canada—that national independence and identity require the symbol of a home-grown head of state, rather than one seen as British. The growth of republicanism in such countries, and in Britain itself, would be likely to encourage republicanism in Australia. Australia’s republican majority has been frustrated by its inability to agree on a model for parliamentary selection or direct election of the president. No Commonwealth country provides a model which Australians find compelling.

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This paper examines the recovery of user context in indoor environmnents with existing wireless infrastructures to enable assistive systems. We present a novel approach to the extraction of user context, casting the problem of context recovery as an unsupervised, clustering problem. A well known density-based clustering technique, DBSCAN, is adapted to recover user context that includes user motion state, and significant places the user visits from WiFi observations consisting of access point id and signal strength. Furthermore, user rhythms or sequences of places the user visits periodically are derived from the above low level contexts by employing state-of-the-art probabilistic clustering technique, the Latent Dirichiet Allocation (LDA), to enable a variety of application services. Experimental results with real data are presented to validate the proposed unsupervised learning approach and demonstrate its applicability.

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The constitution of climate change as an ‘emergency’ invites an appeal to sovereign
power that is troubling in the context of Australia’s colonial history. Climate change is
an unsettling and dispossessing force that, while unprecedented in many ways, can be situated among a series of environmental and social crises that have shaped a discourse of anxious or insecure non-Indigenous belonging in this country. This discourse seeks to render non-Indigenous Australian place as secure and absolute, and understands environmental change as a threat to this goal. This threat appeals to an emergency framing, and in turn to a reassertion, in line with the insights of Agamben, of an exclusive sovereignty that rehearses the foundational dispossessions of colonization. At the same time, climate change is initiating new ways of conceptualizing human relations with place that challenge the value of sovereign status. It enacts realities that refuse a singular emergency and instead generate community from a reorientation of places, times and more-than-human relations. Thought in this way as a creative force that is shaping communities and environments, climate change becomes a source of critical insight for the possibilities of a decolonized future.

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This chapter describes a number of alternative approaches to teaching and learning science in secondary schools. The approaches have been trialled in a number of places, but no one approach has been sufficient to capture the needs of the students’ learning or the development of scientific literacy.

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In South Korea, the contentious debate over relations with the North transcends traditional considerations of physical and economic security, and political activists play a critical role in shaping the discussion of these issues as they pursue the separate yet connected agendas of democracy, human rights, and unification.

Providing international observers with a better understanding of policymakers’ management of inter-Korean relations, Danielle L. Chubb traces the development of various policy disputes and perspectives from the 1970s through South Korea’s democratic transition. Focusing on four case studies—the 1980 Kwangju uprising, the June 1987 uprising, the move toward democracy in the 1990s, and the decade of “progressive” government that began with the election of Kim Dae Jung in 1997—she tracks activists’ complex views on reunification along with the rise and fall of more radical voices encouraging the adoption of a North Korean–style form of socialism. While these specific arguments have dissipated over the years, their vestiges can still be found in recent discussions over how to engage with North Korea and bring security and peace to the peninsula.

Extending beyond the South Korean example, this examination shows how the historical trajectory of norms and beliefs can have a significant effect on a state’s threat perception and security policy. It also reveals how political activists, in their role as discursive agents, play an important part in the creation of the norms and beliefs directing public debate over a state’s approach to the ethical and practical demands of its foreign policy.

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In the 1980s and 1990s, Australian-Malaysian relations reached a critical juncture due to a series of crises, such as the 1986 capital punishment of convicted drug smugglers Barlow and Chambers, and the 1993 "recalcitrant" jibe by Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating. Following the election of the Howard government in 1996, relations continued to be on a roller coaster with the Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad leading anti-Australia protests over the "Howard Doctrine," the Australian leadership of the 1999 intervention in East Timor, and the "Deputy Sheriff" controversy. Despite this, defense relations between the two remained strong. The success of this cooperation rests on shared political commitment to the security of the region. This article examines the impact that positive cooperation in "high politics" has had in mitigating the negative aspects of crises in "low politics." It argues that close bilateral defense relations have worked to prevent the emergence of further critical junctures in 2012 following the collapse of the Australian-Malaysian refugee swap deal and statements by Australian politicians about Malaysia's poor treatment of asylum seekers, and in 2013 over the overt support by many Australian politicians of the opposition, especially Anwar Ibrahim, during the Malaysian general elections.

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TWEI 2.0 (Type will ease itself 2.0) is a newly developed artefact of inquiry that engages the reproductions of memory, meaning and experience. The work offers a new typographic mark-making proposal salvaged from ordinary articles common to routines of the everyday – street and road signage, maps, and GPS coordinates. Our experience of these articles offer familiar patterns of recognition and sites for meaning making. We keep hold of and remember the traces of colour, marks and symbols as a means to retain our experiences of places and sites of meaning. In this work TWEI 2.0 positions a cartographic reproduction of digital histories, which have been repurposed from landscapes in Kuwait and Oman. The digital based work will be projected in a large format so to be physically realized on an architectural scale representative of large maps in the gallery environment. This scenario offers a vision that is as inescapable as the signage from which it comments on and offers a consideration of the gallery wall as both a boundary for experience and the production of a site of meaning. The work in this space physically presents an installation that seeks to be at both overwhelming and intimate. Here the artist pursues direct engagement with the audience as a practice of social meaning and partnership providing a direct correlation to our familiarities with common physical signage and sign posting of our streets, corners and roads. In achieving this TWEI 2.0 proposes to highlight the fragility of meaning and the brittleness of memories.

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Is the Islamic Republic capable of accommodating gender reform? What does the election of reformist President Hassan Rouhani mean for the country’s women? And after one year in office, has his government offered a meaningful response to the ‘woman question’? This paper examines the socio-political climate around women and their position in Iranian society inherited by the Rouhani administration, and analyses the extent to which Rouhani has the authority to oversee real policy change on women’s status. Through a critical review of Rouhani’s first year in office, the author argues that there are some promising signs of change, but these are up against a culture of patriarchy that is entrenched amongst Iran’s political and clerical elite, whose view of women is that of the homemaker and caregiver, with limited public agency.

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CmyView is a research project that investigates how mobile technologies have the potential to facilitate new ways to share, experience and understand the connections that people have with places. The aim of the project is to theorise and develop a tool and a methodology that addresses the reception of architecture and the built environment using mobile digital technologies that harness ubiquitous everyday practices, such as photography and walking. While CmyView is primarily focused on evidencing the reception of places, this chapter argues that these activities can also make a contribution to the core pedagogy of architectural education, the design studio. This chapter presents findings of an initial pilot study with four students at an Australian university that demonstrates how CmyView offers a valuable contribution to the educational experience in the design studio.

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