120 resultados para Education, Higher -- New South Wales


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In 1931, the All for Australia League and other 'citizens movements' mounted a major challenge to the established conservative parties. Traditional views of the League saw it as a reflection of economic group interests, whether of the business establishment or dissident capitalists such as manufactures. More recent scholarship has stressed middle-class concerns with 'sound finance' as the inspiration of the League. This paper instead situates the League in the historical context of centre party projects in New South Wales, and of progressivism, in particular industrial psychology. The economic crisis and the rightward shift of the nationalists enabled a group of political entrepreneurs to transform the League from a front group for business into a populist movement. However, the shift of mainstream conservatism back to the political centre fatally undercut the League's support base.

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Objective: To evaluate compliance with a legislative ban on smoking inside restaurants by comparing smoking in Sydney restaurants (where it is legally banned) with smoking in Melbourne restaurants (not subject to a legal ban).

Design and participants: Unobtrusive observational study of restaurant patrons, and interviews with restaurant staff, carried out by 159 volunteers.

Setting:
78 Sydney restaurants with smoke-free indoor environments (as required by legislation) and 81 Melbourne restaurants not subject to legislation preventing smoking. The study took place from 20-31 October 2000.

Intervention: Legislation to ban smoking in indoor areas of restaurants was introduced in New South Wales in September 2000 (about six weeks before our study).

Outcomes: Observed incidents of smoking inside restaurants; staff attitudes to the ban; customer satisfaction as indicated by comments to staff; staff perceptions of restaurant patronage.

Results:
No restaurant patrons were seen smoking in 78 Sydney restaurants during 156 hours of observation of 2646 diners, compared with 176 smokers among 3014 Melbourne diners over 154 hours of observation. Thirty-one per cent (24/78) of Sydney restaurants had experienced smokers attempting to smoke indoors after the legislation was introduced; 6% (5/78) reported instances of smokers refusing to stop smoking when asked; 79% (62/78) of restaurants had received favourable comments from patrons about the smoke-free law; 81% (63/78) of restaurant staff interviewed either supported or strongly supported the law. Since introduction of the legislation, 76% of restaurants reported normal trade, 14% increased trade, and 9% reduced trade.

Conclusions:
Smoke-free restaurants do not require "smoking police" to enforce bans, present few ongoing difficulties for staff, attract many more favourable than unfavourable comments from patrons, and do not adversely affect trade.

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'Easy to enrol, easy to vote' was the slogan devised by the New South Wales electoral office in the 1980s. How did this system evolve from a British based model to a distinctively Australian one?

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New South Wales has a rich history of parliamentary democracy. As the oldest of the Australian States, it has provided a microcosm of the evolution of modern British-style democracy from the ‘hustings’ of the early colonial to the harbour views of the contemporary politicians’ offices. New South Wales’ political history is also rich with experimentation. The early introduction of the secret ballot, payment for members, the abolition of plural voting, and adult suffrage are well known. Although it needs to be recognized that it followed slightly behind that ‘ Paradise of Dissent’ South Australia on all those features.

Equally fascinating is the role of the Labour Party, whose campaigning on behalf of adult suffrage and payment for Members is fairly well known. Less known, but of great interest, were its activities on behalf of electoral reform, political accountability and easier enrolment and voting, particularly for ‘ itinerants’ at a time when its political base was in the rural workforce. New South Wales Labour was significant for its decision to stand alone, in contrast with its Victorian and New Zealand counterparts, which threw in their lot with the Progressives.

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The thesis is an account of movements and policies for decentralisation of population and economic activity away from metropolitan to non-metropolitan areas in Victoria and N.S.W. in the period 1885-1985. It examines the pull from the country and the push from the capitals for decentralisation. Ballarat (Victoria) and Bathurst (N.S.W.) are used as case studies. Introductory chapters describe the historic pattern of population distribution in the two Colonies/States and discuss theories about the spatial distribution of population and industry. Chapters recounting and discussing the history and politics of decentralisation in Victoria and N.S.W. are organised in three periods: 1885-1940; 1940-1965; 1965-1985. A more decentralised distribution of population in Victoria and N.S.W. was almost always widely accepted as being in the public interest. Decentralisation rose and fell recurrently on the issue attention cycle. The pull from the country was fragmented and locally self-interested. The push from the capitals occurred only when life or its quality was perceived as threatened because of factors related to city size. Governments in both States introduced micro policies ostensibly to counter formidable centralising forces. In the 1970s there was an abortive attempt to implement a selective decentralisation policy in N.S.W. The thesis argues that decentralisation did not happen because: (1) there was not a consistent set of values and goals underlying the pull and push; (2) there was never a sustained, unified constituency for decentralisation, even in the country; (3) the power to influence, subvert or obstruct decentralisation policies was too widely diffused; (4) insufficient account was taken in decentralisation policymaking of the underlying economic, social and political dynamics.

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Aim: To examine prescription medication hoarding and borrowing or sharing (PMHBS) behaviours in older people, particularly which medications are subject to these behaviours and the circumstances that enable these behaviours.

Methods: A mixed methods triangulation design, using consecutive qualitative (focus groups) and quantitative (survey) methodologies in a convenience sample of people older than 65 years, living independently in the Illawarra region (New South Wales).

Results: Focus group participants (n= 28) acknowledged PMHBS behaviours were widespread; however, very few survey respondents (n= 226) admitted to engaging in these behaviours. Main findings in the study were enablers for these behaviours: the prescription medication is considered the same as that prescribed previously; and self-medicating for pain relief.

Conclusions:
The prevalence of PMHBS behaviours in this study was low, although it was acknowledged such behaviours occurred in the wider community. Sharing strong pain medication and the same prescription medication appeared to be acceptable in this population.

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In 1931 and 1932, New South Wales faced civic collapse. During the last months of the Lang government, the semi-fascist New Guard became a serious threat to the state. This article examines the challenge posed by the New Guard to the New South Wales police, and the strategies used by the police to suppress the group. Superintendent W.J. MacKay, the colourful and Machiavellian future commissioner, effectively and ruthlessly exercised police power against the New Guard. This article disputes the dominant historical interpretation of this period, which sees the police as collaborators with a reactionary secret army, the ‘Old Guard’.

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Aims:This paper examines the epidemiology of ecstasy use and harm in Australia using multiple data sources.

Design: The data included (1) Australian Customs Service 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) detections; (2) the National Drug Strategy Household and Australian Secondary Student Alcohol and Drug Surveys; (3) data from Australia's ecstasy and Related Drugs Reporting System; (4) the number of recorded police incidents for ecstasy possession and distribution collated by the N.S.W. Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research; (5) the number of calls to the Alcohol and Drug Information Service and Family Drug Support relating to ecstasy; (6) the Alcohol and Other Drug Treatment Services National Minimum Dataset on number of treatment episodes for ecstasy, and (7) N.S.W. Division of Analytical Laboratories toxicology data on number of deaths where MDMA was detected.

Findings: Recent ecstasy use among adults in the general population has increased, whereas among secondary students it has remained low and stable. The patterns of ecstasy consumption among regular ecstasy users have changed over time. Polydrug use and use for extended periods of time (>48 h) remain common among this group. Frequent ecstasy use is associated with a range of risk behaviours and other problems, which tend to be attributed to a number of drugs along with ecstasy. Few ecstasy users present for treatment for problems related to their ecstasy consumption.

Conclusions: Messages and interventions to reduce the risks associated with polydrug use and patterns of extended periods of use are clearly warranted. These messages should be delivered outside of traditional health care settings, as few of these users are engaged with such services.