57 resultados para EAST TIMOR


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This paper examines recent debates over national history in post-colonial East Timor. It is argued that beneath a broadly unifying theme of ‘national’ resistance to colonial occupations lies a more complex and ongoing postcolonial struggle over the ownership of core historical narratives, identities and symbols.

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Given advance notice that the street bully is about to beat up your neighbour, three courses of action are open to you. The first is to try to dissuade the bully from his violent intent. The second is to warn your neighbour so that he can make preparations to defend himself or flee. The third is to do nothing, sit back and watch the attack. Last week, Captain Andrew Plunkett claimed the Australian Government failed to act on intelligence that could have prevented the massacre of 47 civilians at a police station in Maliana in September 1999. If his claims are true, it will be the second time in 24 years that Canberra chose option three in its dealings with the people of East Timor.

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Miller traces The Roots of the Acehnese conflict to Indonesian repressive policies, specifically: exploitation of Aceh's natural resources; violence against Acehnese Civilians by Indonesian security forces; and Jakarta's failure to honor commitments to Aceh's autonomy. This contradicts the prevailing Acehnese perception of the war as a liberation struggle against colonial domination. This contradicts the prevailing Acehnese perception of the war as a Liberation struggle against colonial domination. Regional discontent in Aceh grew into separatist insurgency in the 1970s. Regional Discontent in Aceh grew into separatist insurgency in the 1970s. This provoked an increasingly martial response from the government, which involved widespread violations of Acehnese human rights. This Provoked an increasingly martial response from the government, which involved widespread violations of Acehnese human rights. East Timor's successful bid for independence in the 1990s simultaneously strengthened both Acehnese' aspirations of self-determination, and nationalists' belief in preserving Indonesia's territorial integrity. East Timor's successful bid for independence in the 1990s simultaneously strengthened both Acehnese 'aspirations of self-determination, and nationalists' belief in preserving Indonesia's territorial integrity.

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This thesis explains the independence of East Timor by investigating the idea of "national interest". It shows how the policymakers' "national interest" calculations were opposed by a transnational solidarity movement. It concludes that the Australian government was compelled to deploy peacekeepers despite its best efforts to the contrary.

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Armed separatist movements in Papua, East Timor and Aceh have been a serious problem for Indonesia's central government. This book examines the policies of successive Indonesian governments to contain secessionist forces, focusing in particular on Jakarta's response towards the armed separatist movement in Aceh. Unlike other studies of separatism in Indonesia, this book concentrates on the responses of the central government rather than looking only at the separatist forces. It shows how successive governments have tried a wide range of approaches, including military repression, offers of autonomy, peace talks and a combination of these. It discusses the lessons that have been learned from these different approaches and analyzes the impact of the tsunami, including the successful accommodation of former rebels within an Indonesian devolved state structure and the expanding implementation of Islamic law.

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This thesis explains the independence of East Timor by investigating the idea of "national interest". It shows how the policymakers' "national interest" calculations were opposed by a transnational solidarity movement. It concludes that the Australian government was compelled to deploy peacekeepers despite its best efforts to the contrary.

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In parallel with many nations’ education policies, national education policies in Australia seek to foster students’ intercultural understanding. Due to Australia’s location in the Asia-Pacific region, the Australian government has focused on students becoming “Asia literate” to support Australia’s economic and cultural engagement with Asian countries. Drawing on Allport’s optimal contact principles and key factors supporting intercultural understanding, this study examines two “sister school” cultural immersion trips in Indonesia and East Timor to explore ways in which their different approaches supported positive intergroup contact and helped foster intercultural understanding among students. Focus groups and interviews with school project teams and analysis of both researcher and teacher project field notes and documents suggested that these schools’ programmes could be mapped onto Allport’s contact principles in different ways. The paper concludes with promising approaches that can help to inform sister school programmes.

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The paper compares the development impact of three different sized solar home systems (SHS) (10, 40 and 80 Wp) installed in rural East Timor. It describes research aimed to determine whether the higher cost of the larger systems was justified by additional household benefits. To assess the development impact of these different sizes of SHS the research used a combination of participatory and quantitative tools. Participatory exercises were conducted with seventy-seven small groups of SHS users in twenty-four rural communities and supplemented with a household survey of 195 SHS users.

The combined results of these evaluation processes enabled the three sizes of SHS to be compared for two types of benefits—those associated with carrying out important household tasks and attributes of SHS which were advantageous compared to the use of non-electric lighting sources. The research findings showed that the small, 10 Wp SHS provided much of the development impact of the larger systems. It suggests three significant implications for the design of SHS programs in contexts such as East Timor: provide more small systems rather than fewer large ones; provide lighting in the kitchen wherever possible; and carefully match SHS operating costs to the incomes of rural users.

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In the 1980s and 1990s, Australian-Malaysian relations reached a critical juncture due to a series of crises, such as the 1986 capital punishment of convicted drug smugglers Barlow and Chambers, and the 1993 "recalcitrant" jibe by Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating. Following the election of the Howard government in 1996, relations continued to be on a roller coaster with the Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad leading anti-Australia protests over the "Howard Doctrine," the Australian leadership of the 1999 intervention in East Timor, and the "Deputy Sheriff" controversy. Despite this, defense relations between the two remained strong. The success of this cooperation rests on shared political commitment to the security of the region. This article examines the impact that positive cooperation in "high politics" has had in mitigating the negative aspects of crises in "low politics." It argues that close bilateral defense relations have worked to prevent the emergence of further critical junctures in 2012 following the collapse of the Australian-Malaysian refugee swap deal and statements by Australian politicians about Malaysia's poor treatment of asylum seekers, and in 2013 over the overt support by many Australian politicians of the opposition, especially Anwar Ibrahim, during the Malaysian general elections.

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Following a long independence struggle and international intervention, in 2006 the tiny impoverished state of Timor-Leste almost imploded in civil chaos and institutional collapse. The events of the time were quickly defined in terms of an east-west geographical and, broadly, linguistic and political divide, corresponding to pro- and anti-government groupings. International intervention quelled the worst of the violence, although elections in 2007 confirmed the general tendency, if not an absolute alignment, to the divide that had appeared in 2006. However, much also united Timor-Leste historically and culturally and, increasingly, in a broad acceptance of civic institutions. It was from this base that the small and sometimes fragile state began to build what promised to be a more coherent future.

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Drawing on a case study of Cacavei, a rural subsistence community in Timor-Leste, this article explores the mutually constitutive relationship between people and land within customary forms of society. Patterns of land use and connection to land are not simply reflective of genealogical modes of social organisation, but are also enabling of them. Particularly, the embedding of ancestors within the land offers a means of accessing kinship relationships beyond the genealogical present. Embeddedness provides a quality of embodiment that makes ancestors active participants in social life. Constituted in the relational nexus of people and land, forms of social organisation in Cacavei have a mutability which goes some way to explaining the community’s resilience in spite of forced displacement and cultural disruption during the period of Indonesian occupation. This mutability might be considered more broadly as a source of resilience for customary communities grappling with modernising processes of change.

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‘Nation-building across Urban and Rural Timor-Leste’ provided an opportunity for East Timorese and people from around the world to reflect, discuss and debate the nation-building process in Timor-Leste since 1999. In this context, nation-building in Timor-Leste is taken to mean the many different attempts since 1999 to ensure the political, economic and cultural integration of the population to fulfil the ambition of self rule.

Ten years after the 1999 vote for independence, this conference considered how nation-building is being experienced and responded to across urban and rural communities in Timor-Leste. Broadening the discussion beyond that of ‘state-building’, at the core of the conference was a consideration of the myriad ways the new republic has been ‘built’. Here ‘nation-building’ considers not only in terms of policy and programmatic initiatives but also grass roots experiences and perceptions of how Timor-Leste as a nation is seen and understood. For this reason, the majority of participants were East Timorese representatives from across the districts, allowing them top share their stories of nation-building.


At this conference, nation-building was discussed in terms of what appears to be one of the most significant characteristics of contemporary Timor-Leste, namely the sharp distinction found between the urbanized capital and the rural communities where the majority of the population live. Dili has emerged as the centre for economic and political power in a way that is extraordinarily disproportionate with the remainder of the country, while rural areas often remain highly isolated and continue to be dominated by subsistence agriculture.