25 resultados para Broken homes


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This article draws from a doctoral study of how female teachers design English curriculum around girls’ popular culture in a contemporary coeducational secondary setting and focuses on how English teachers contemplate the study of texts in the space of school-based curriculum planning. The article presents an argument for reflexivity around how we create both texts and identity through curriculum design; it advocates the pursuit of new metaphors for contemplating the study of text that might challenge models of education as delivery in a neoliberal imaginary, where curriculum design is depicted as the anonymous and rational articulation of aims and pedagogy to achieve outcomes.

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Victoria Nourse has observed that political debates about crime legislation are predictable and invariably one-sided because ‘no-one is “for” crime.’1 This certainly appears to be the case with regard to recent proposed changes to the Bail Act 1977 (‘the Act’) by the government of Victoria. The reforms were triggered by the case of Sean Price, an offender with a history of mental disorder, serious offending and lengthy incarceration who was on bail and subject to a supervision order when he murdered Masa Vukotic, raped another woman and assaulted a third person in March 2015. The Premier of Victoria, Daniel Andrews, stated that a bail system that allowed Price to be free and unmonitored was failing the community and pledged to repair ‘a system that is broken.’

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The average new Australian home has grown from a four-roomed Victorian timber cottage of around 100 m2 at the start of the twentieth century to a 245 m2 brick-veneer house in 2011. The homes have grown in both size and number of rooms. Where has this growth occurred? How has Australia's average new house transitioned to now become the largest in the world? This paper traces where the growth has occurred within the house over the last 50 years. Thirty-nine houses in a suburb of Geelong, Victoria, have been analysed over the five decades, and the median house of the sample in each era has been used for the analysis. The results confirm the overall trend in house growth size that can be seen in national statistics. Most of the growth in house size has been due to the increase in living areas and in the number of and area used for bedrooms. Other variables of interest in understanding changes in Australian housing such as gross floor area, plot ratio, site size and house shape and orientation are also discussed in the context of limiting the impact of oversize houses.

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Information about indoor air temperatures in residential buildings is of interest for a range of reasons, e.g. the health and comfort of occupants, energy demand for space heating and cooling. To date there have been few long term studies that measure and characterise indoor air temperatures in Australian homes. New primary research undertaken by the authors measured temperatures in 273 homes over the period 2011 to 2014 in seven climate zones, from Melbourne in the south to Cairns in the north of Australia. Humidity data was also collected in 20 homes. This paper is a description of the data collected and the subsequent analysis.

Indoor temperatures were compared with outdoor temperatures and a mathematical model was fitted to the data. In general, monthly average indoor temperatures were found to be 2 degreesC higher than monthly average outdoor temperatures, apart from periods with consistently cold weather, where the monthly average outdoor temperature was less than 20 degreesC, which were found to have larger differences. The indoor temperature model developed has been compared with data measured by the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) in 438 homes in three Australian cities. The model developed using project measurements are highly consistent with the CSIRO data.

Further data collection compared indoor and outdoor humidity in 20 houses in Sydney and Melbourne. The indoor humidity ratio was found to be, on average, slightly higher than outdoors, but indoor levels generally track outdoor levels quite closely. This is likely due to the high air exchange rate in most houses.

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BackgroundA dimension of the culture in group homes is staff regard for residents. In underperforming group homes, staff regard residents as being not ‘like us’ (Bigby, Knox, Beadle-Brown, Clement & Mansell, 2012). We hypothesized the opposite pole of this dimension, in higher performing group homes, would be that staff regard residents positively.MethodThree in-depth qualitative case studies were conducted in higher performing group homes using participant observation, interviews and document review.ResultsConsistent pattern of staff practices and talk, as well as artefacts, demonstrated staff had a positive regard for residents, who were seen as being ‘like us’. Explicit and continuing attention was given to sustaining positive regard for residents in everyday staff practices and to turning abstract values into concrete realities.ConclusionsThis positive cultural norm was established, operationalized and embedded through structures, such as a formal policy about language, and processes such as peer monitoring and practice leadership.

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AIM: The aim of this study was to describe the accuracy and quality of nursing documentation of the prevalence, risk factors and prevention of pressure ulcers, and compare retrospective audits of nursing documentation with patient examinations conducted in nursing homes.

DESIGN: This study used a cross-sectional descriptive design.

METHOD: A retrospective audit of 155 patients' records and patient examinations using the European Pressure Ulcer Advisory Panel form and the Braden scale, conducted in January and February 2013.

RESULTS: The prevalence of pressure ulcers was 38 (26%) in the audit of the patient records and 33 (22%) in patient examinations. A total of 17 (45%) of the documented pressure ulcers were not graded. When comparing the patient examinations with the patient record contents, the patient records lacked information about pressure ulcers and preventive interventions.

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In 1991, the National Trust of NSW classified the Regeneration Reserves surrounding the City of Broken Hill as an essential cultural heritage asset of the City of Broken Hill, and in 2015 the City of Broken Hill, including the reserves, were elevated to the National Heritage List under the Commonwealth's Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999. This tract of land, and its proponents, Albert and Margaret Morris, are recognised as pioneers of arid zone revegetation science in Australia; a point noted in the National Heritage List citation. They created at Broken Hill a unique revegetation ‘greenbelt’ of national ecological, landscape architectural and town planning significance. The Morris’ led the advancement of arid zone botanical investigation and taxonomic inquiry, propagation innovation, and revegetation sciencein the 1920s-40s in Australia and applied this spatially. Their research and practical applications, in crafting the regeneration reserves around Broken Hill, demonstrated the need for landscape harmonisation to occur to reduce erosion and dust damage to human and mining activities alike. This pioneering research and practice informs and underpins much arid zone mine reclamation and revegetation work in Australia today. This paper reviews the historical evolution of this cultural landscape, its integral importance to the cultural heritage and mining history of the City of Broken Hill, and its inclusion as part of the Broken Hill National Heritage List citation.