Parenting styles, family structure and adolescent dietary behaviour

Objective To examine associations between parenting styles, family structure and aspects of adolescent dietary behaviour.

Design Cross-sectional study.

Setting Secondary schools in the East Midlands, UK.

Subjects Adolescents aged 12–16 years (n 328, 57 % boys) completed an FFQ assessing their consumption of fruit, vegetables, unhealthy snacks and breakfast. Adolescents provided information on parental and sibling status and completed a seventeen-item instrument measuring the general parenting style dimensions of involvement and strictness, from which four styles were derived: indulgent, neglectful, authoritarian, authoritative.

Results After controlling for adolescent gender and age, analysis of covariance revealed no significant interactions between parenting style and family structure variables for any of the dietary behaviours assessed. Significant main effects for family structure were observed only for breakfast consumption, with adolescents from dual-parent families (P < 0·01) and those with no brothers (P < 0·05) eating breakfast on more days per week than those from single-parent families and those with one or more brother, respectively. Significant main effects for parenting style were observed for all dietary behaviours apart from vegetable consumption. Adolescents who described their parents as authoritative ate more fruit per day, fewer unhealthy snacks per day, and ate breakfast on more days per week than those who described their parents as neglectful.

Conclusions The positive associations between authoritative parenting style and adolescent dietary behaviour transcend family structure. Future research should be food-specific and assess the efficacy of strategies promoting the central attributes of an authoritative parenting style on the dietary behaviours of adolescents from a variety of family structures.

澳大利亚的民主和公民权

With the granting of the franchise to white men and women in 1902, Australia became one of the first mass electoral democracies. When the early federal governments passed innovative social and economic legislation, Australia also laid claim to being, or at least becoming, a social democracy. Nonetheless, these achievements built upon an earlier record of political, social, and economic reform in the Australian colonies. This paper offers a brief history of the evolution of Australian democracy that takes account of the interactions between institutional change and political struggles for citizenship rights. The process of democratisation has not been uniform, either in its evolution or scope, and the outcomes for citizens have been uneven. Where liberal and social democratic principles generally predominate, these remain in constant tension with more authoritarian tendencies, which then become a focus for resistance from individual citizens, organised labour, and social movements. Democratisation in Australia, as in many countries, is a process that inevitably involves conflict, not only over the character of its political and legal institutions, but also over who is to be included or excluded as citizens, and the rights and responsibilities of citizenship.

Problems of political transition in Ukraine : leadership failure and democratic consolidation

Democratisation and consolidation of a political system encompass a range of complex challenges, for which effective leadership is pivotal. However, the skills that a leader requires to break through and introduce change are not necessarily the same as those needed to maintain stability. This article examines the case of Viktor Yushchenko as president of Ukraine following the Orange Revolution. The negotiated transfer of power from the previous semi-authoritarian regime rendered consolidation difficult by limiting opportunities for a complete break. Within the residual 'grey area', a number of actors continued to participate and create tension. The regime that emerged was characterised by political infighting and instability, leading to the defeat of candidates associated with the Orange Revolution in the 2010 presidential elections. This article argues that the inability to move towards a consolidated democratic political system was due to the failure of the transitional leader, rather than the political and institutional configuration.

Sustaining regional environmental NGOs in Latin America and Eastern Europe : considering the experience of the FARN and the REC

Democratisation presents opportunities and threats to non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Greater openness associated with democratic regimes provides opportunities for participation and influence not previously available. At the same time, increasing state capacity may threaten the continued relevance of NGOs. The article examines the Environment and Natural Resources Foundation (FARN) of Argentina and the Regional Environmental Center (REC) of eastern Europe to assess environmental support organisations in post-authoritarian contexts. The aims of the article are to identify opportunities and threats to environmental support organisations and to examine the strategies they adopt to advance their interests and achieve their goals.

Regulatory design strategies and enforcement approaches for research involving human embryos and cloning in Australia and the United Kingdom – time for a change.

This paper examines regulatory design strategies and enforcement approaches in the context of the UK and Australia’s regulation of research involving human embryos and cloning. The aim is to discuss current regulation in view of the impending review of the Research Involving Human Embryos Act 2002 (Cth) and the Prohibition of Human Reproductive Cloning Act 2002 (Cth). It is argued that the type of regulation used in relation to those who are licensed to research in Australia is unsuitable due to an over-emphasis on deterrence and the authoritarian approach taken by regulatory bureaucracies. The cost and efficiency of the current system is also questioned. The central thesis is that a co-regulatory system that combines the existing framework legislation with self-regulation should be adopted for licence holders. Such regulation of licence holders should include responsive regulatory strategies. ‘Command and control’ design strategies and deterrence approaches present in the current regulatory systems for breaches of legislation by non-licence holders and serious breaches by licence holders should be maintained.

Corporatism, crisis and contention in Sweden and Korea during the 1990s

Debate has long surrounded corporatism’s depictions of power and the state, and the rise of neoliberalism has raised even more doubts about corporatism as an analytical construct. Faltering growth and rising unemployment in Sweden and Korea after financial crises in the 1990s seemed to confirm neoliberal expectations that all varieties of corporatism (state/authoritarian and societal/democratic) are doomed to decline, and that corporatism will converge on liberalism. Closer examination of the 1990s crises suggests that Swedish and Korean institutions have transformed rather than collapsed. Corporatist institutions have been transformed by ideas about networks and governance, interaction between national and international institutions and shifting alliances among export-oriented and competition-shielded employers, private and public sector unions and citizen networks. This article argues that the ‘dynamics of contention’ can explain how these new ideas and alliances transformed regimes in Sweden and Korea and as such constitute an alternative to corporatism as an analytical construct.

Cross-sectional and longitudinal associations between parenting style and adolescent girls' physical activity

Background Understanding the influences on physical activity is crucial, particularly among important target groups such as adolescent girls. This study describes cross-sectional and longitudinal associations between parenting style and girls’ participation in organized sport, walking/cycling trips and objectively assessed moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA).

Methods Data were collected from adolescent girls (n=222) and their parents in 2004 and again in 2006. Parents self-reported their demographic characteristics and parenting style. Girls self-reported their organized sport participation and weekly walking/cycling trips, while MVPA was assessed using accelerometers. Linear regression and interaction analyses were performed. Interactions between socio-demographic factors and parenting style with organized sport, walking/cycling trips and MVPA are presented.

Results There were cross-sectional associations between authoritative (B=−0.45, p=0.042) and indulgent (B=−0.56, p=0.002) parenting and the number of walking/cycling trips, and authoritarian (B=0.27, p=0.033) parenting and frequency of organized sport. Significant interactions included those between: family status, authoritative parenting and daily (p=0.048) and week day (p=0.013) MVPA; education, indulgent parenting and MVPA on weekend days (p=0.006); and, employment, authoritarian parenting and duration and frequency of organized sport (p=0.004), highlighting the complexity of these relationships. Longitudinal analyses revealed significant decreases in organized sport and MVPA, significant increases in walking/cycling trips and no significant associations between parenting and physical activity.

Conclusion Parenting styles appear to influence walking and cycling trips among adolescent girls, though not physical activity within other domains. Socio-demographic characteristics interact with the relationships between parenting and physical activity. While these findings can inform the development of family-based interventions to improve child and adolescent health, the direction of the observed associations and the number of associations approaching significance suggest the need to further explore this area.

Iraq

This chapter seeks to document some of the more significant democratic developments that have occurred in Iraq since 2003 including: the complex array of political parties that (re)emerged in the wake of the former regime; the series of nation-wide elections that have occurred since 2005; and the role of various Iraqi media outlets and protest movements in agitating towards greater inclusion, diversity and debate. However, this chapter also documents some of the alarming counter-democratic developments that have occurred, particularly the rise of ethno-religious sectarian politics and violence and the increasingly authoritarian nature of certain elements of Iraq’s political elite. The chapter concludes by noting that Iraqi democracy is increasingly precarious and it faces its greatest challenge in renewed violence, rising authoritarianisms and the end to the US occupation.

The Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions : protests and public power in post-Saddam Iraq

Since the democratic elections held across Iraq in 2005 and 2010 much attention has understandably been paid to the new Iraqi government. Unfortunately, it has become increasingly clear that much of Iraq’s political elite are practising the type of governance referred to in the literature on other Arab states alternatively as ‘liberalised autocracy’ (Brumberg, 2002), ‘semi-authoritarianism’ (Ottaway, 2003) or ‘pluralised authoritarianism’ (Posusney & Angrist, 2005). That is to say, that the Iraqi government actually utilises (and controls) nominally democratic mechanisms such as elections, media freedoms, political opposition and civil society as part of their strategy to retain power. This is perhaps best demonstrated via the nine month political stalemate that followed the March 2010 elections and PM Maliki’s refusal to step down despite having narrowly lost the election. Not surprisingly, the Iraqi people have become increasingly disillusioned and critical of their political leaders – hence the mass protests that have swept across Iraq in the context of the popular Arab Revolutions of 2010-11.

However, these latest Iraqi protests are only the most recent and overt sign of the hidden geographies that are agitating towards democracy in this deeply troubled and increasingly authoritarian state. Since the invasion of 2003, a complex array of political, religious and ethno-sectarian factions have formed civil society movements; uncensored news has been consumed across the nation; ordinary citizens have taken to the streets to protest key government decisions; and various local councils have been formed, deliberating on key decisions facing their immediate communities (Davis, 2004, 2007). Given this context, this chapter focuses on the specific case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), Iraq’s largest and most powerful independent workers union. The IFOU has repeatedly taken the Iraqi government to task over their poor pay and the dangerous nature of their work, as well as the government’s initial kowtowing to US plans to privatise the entire Iraqi oil sector. To do this, the IFOU have utilised a variety of very democratic mechanisms including peaceful strikes and protests, media campaigns and political lobbying. Such moves have met with mixed results in Baghdad – at times the central government has pandered to the requests of IFOU, but it has also gone as far as issuing arrest warrants for its senior members. The IFOU therefore serve as an interesting example of public power in Iraq and may well pose one of the greatest challenges to rising authoritarianism there.

Censorship, resistance and transformation in modern Indonesian literature

This paper investigates the way in which Indonesian literature has reflected violations of human rights in Indonesia in the last decade of the New Order (1990-1998). The regime was authoritarian and responded harshly to any challenge which could cause trouble to national stability. Some writers, such as Seno Gumira Ajidarma, used the power of allegory to resist this oppression. The three works examined here – ‘Saksi Mata’, ‘Pelajaran Sejarah’, and ‘Misteri Kota Ninggi’ – can be considered as a form of resistance literature.

An assessment of empowerment through highly participatory asset-based community development in Myanmar

Asset-based community development (ABCD) is a highly participatory approach to development that seeks to empower communities to draw on tangible and social community assets to manage their own development. The strength of ABCD is its ability to facilitate people imagining their world differently, resulting in action to change their circumstances. Previous research has shown international non-government organisations have found highly participatory, community-led approaches to development to have been particularly effective forms of poverty mitigation and community empowerment within Myanmar, even before the current reforms, which is surprising given the restrictive socio-political context created by authoritarian rule by a regime with an international reputation for human rights violations. 

This paper documents ABCD programs within Myanmar, one of the poorest countries in Asia suffering major underdevelopment and ranking poorly across a wide range of socioeconomic indicators. It explores the operation, effectiveness and reasons behind the success of ABCD programs in this environment, and reflects on the role of outsiders in ABCD in the light of underlying theory and this contemporary experience. This research draws largely on recent field interviews and personal experience working in this sector within Myanmar, as well as surveying a number of evaluation reports which have been made publically available.

American democracy promotion in the changing Middle East: from Bush to Obama

The recent "Arab spring", with its popular uprisings in many Arab countries, has exposed the ambiguity at the heart of American promotion of democracy in the Middle East. The US invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq were packaged as democracy promotion, as heralding the beginning of a new phase in the politics of the Middle East when democracy would replace authoritarian regimes. Many of these authoritarian regimes, however, were sustained by US support. The recent popular uprisings threaten to bring democracy without promotion by the US, and threaten to overthrow regimes previously supported by the US and important for US strategy in the region – hence an initial hesitant response by the US to some of the uprisings. This book explores the contradictions in American democracy promotion in the Middle East. It discusses the principles underlying US democracy promotion, and the debates surrounding US policy formation, and examines the application of US democracy promotion in specific cases. It concludes by assessing the likely future patterns of US engagement with democratic reform in the Middle East.

Civil society after Saddam: oil unions and democracy in Iraq

Following the intervention in Iraq by coalition forces one decade ago, the Bush Administration underwent an enormous and unprecedented project to bring the ‘Western’ liberal model of democracy to Iraq. For the first few years the project to bring democracy to Iraq had its share of successes as the Iraqi people proved themselves capable of understanding and utilizing democratic mechanisms and institutions. This culminated in a series of nation-wide elections from 2005 onwards that brought a democratically elected government to power (Isakhan, 2012). However, one of the unfortunate consequences of the war and the US effort to bring democracy to Iraq was that many key ethno-religious political factions viewed it as an opportunity to pedal their own relatively narrow and very divisive political rhetoric (Davis, 2007). This meant that the Iraqi government was constituted not so much by a body who wanted to draw Iraq together behind a common ideology and to work towards a collective and egalitarian future, as it was by representatives who would fight on behalf of their ethno-religious constituencies. Not surprisingly, a great deal of academic literature has emerged which has analysed and criticised the formal political parties and institutions of the post-Saddam era (Dawisha, 2009). Indeed, the bulk of contemporary scholarship on Iraqi politics focuses on issues such as: the increasingly authoritarian tendencies of the Iraqi government; the obstinacy and ineptitude of many elements of Iraq’s political elite; the systemic corruption that is hollowing out the coffers of the state; the moribund bureaucracy that are struggling to deliver basic services and; of course, the deep-seated divisions within and between those that represent Iraq’s three main ethno-religious blocks: the Shia Arabs, the Sunni Arabs and the Kurds.

Contractual thinking and responsible government in China : a constructivist framework for analysis

Responsible government is often seen as contingent on democracy. Yet despite China's continued lack of notable progress in democratization, recent years have witnessed some limited moves towards responsible governance. In the absence of free elections and other institutional arrangements, how can an authoritarian regime become responsible? This paper turns to the role of ideas and culture in general and contractual thinking in particular for an explanation. Contractual thinking, defined as a particular kind of intersubjective understanding between the government and citizens with regard to their mutual interests, is present in both China's contemporary official discourse on "responsible government" and traditional Chinese culture. Taking a constructivist approach, the paper focuses on two interrelated aspects of the role of contractual thinking in the construction of responsible government. First, it examines how contractual thinking, by helping redefine the identity and interest of the government in line with citizens' loyalty, could allow more responsible government behaviour. It then illustrates that in the case of government irresponsibility, contractual thinking sets the discursive context for rightful resistance from citizens as well as for a more sympathetic reading of such resistance by the government, both of which, the paper argues, could facilitate the development of responsible governance.

Iraq

This chapter seeks to document some of the more significant democratic developments that have occurred in Iraq since 2003 including: the complex array of political parties that (re)emerged in the wake of the former regime; the series of nation-wide elections that have occurred since 2005; and the role of various Iraqi media outlets and protest movements in agitating towards greater inclusion, diversity and debate. However, this chapter also documents some of the alarming counter-democratic developments that have occurred, particularly the rise of ethno-religious sectarian politics and violence and the increasingly authoritarian nature of certain elements of Iraq’s political elite. The chapter concludes by noting that Iraqi democracy is increasingly precarious and it faces its greatest challenge in renewed violence, rising authoritarianisms and the end to the US occupation.