224 resultados para Body image in adolescence - Fiji


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Early menopause has been constructed by discourses of biological determinism as an untimely, but natural, failure of the female body. Medical discourses in particular have interpreted early menopause as a congenital irregularity and a rare anomaly of menopause at midlife. In this thesis I challenge the notion that early menopause is an innate imperfection related only to women’s age. I propose that early menopause is dependent upon the cultural interpretations of individual women and is constituted through the mercurial and multiple discourses of women who have this embodied experience. Moreover, I reveal that early menopause is a contemporary condition and that its location in history is inextricably bound to discourses of risk, naturalism and the self. Further I make the assumption that having an early menopause both affects and is an effect of women’s fertility, sexuality and subjectivity. I have drawn upon a broad range of sources to provide a sociological analysis of early menopause. Literature on early menopause is dominated by positivist discourses, yet many alternate discourses negotiate these influential constructions. I suggest here that the perception of early menopause as a natural fault is merely a construction by medical discourses and does not incorporate the dynamic discourses of early-menopausal women. Moreover, the restriction of early menopause to a genetic female failure excludes the majority of women who have an early menopause through iatrogenisis. This omission occurs through the failure of positivist discourses to accommodate diversity in discourses. Recent sociological and feminist studies have vindicated menopausal women. They have reconstructed menopause through notions of embodiment and have removed the veil of negativity used by the medical sciences to contain menopausal women (Komesaroff, Rothfield and Daly 1997). The visibility of menopausal women, however, remains connected to age. Menopause has been created as a predictable consequence of aging and as such has come to be synonymous with middle age. Nowadays, even men are said to experience menopause at midlife (Carruthers 1996). But early menopause is constituted within the discourses of women who have this experience. Medico-scientific discourses, based upon theories of genetic inevitability, disregard this perspective. Consequently early menopause is subsumed by naturalistic discourses that relate menopause to midlife. Such restraint reflects the unease created by menopause that does not coincide with prescribed life stages. Women's experiences of their changing bodies are largely unheard. Thus, women who have an early menopause are faced with a chasm of ‘cultural non-recognition’ (Fraser 1997). Conjointly with this discursive repression early-menopausal women face social imbalances that are transacted as both cause and consequence of early menopause. In particular the contemporary creation of early menopause is bound to the social and historical location of women as a group. Women are exploited by the institution of medicine, ‘exposure to environmental toxicity’ (Fraser 1997: 11) and commercialization as causes of early menopause. Yet the corporeal effects of practices of risk avoidance (Beck 1993), social practices (Shilling 1993) and Western consumerism (Lupton 1994) fail to be recognized. I address these problematics through a poststructural and feminist critique that assumes moments of commonality among women, while at the same time recognizes shifting and multiple differences (Nicholson 1999). I suggest here that early menopause falls into cultural misrecognition in Fraser's (1997) terms and argue that it is united concurrently with the gender injustice of androcentrism (Fraser 1997: 21). Fraser (1997: 16) suggests that it is only by relating these dual problematics that we are able to make sense of current dilemmas. Thus I have critiqued early menopause through a connection between individual embodied experiences of early menopause and early menopause as a modern phenomenon that is specific to women. I have attempted to unravel these arguments that simultaneously call to ‘... abolish gender differentiation and to valorize gender specificity’ (Fraser 1997: 21) while at the same time acknowledging their interconnectedness. An approach of merely combining women’s discourses with overarching social issues would be inadequate as not only do these problematics intersect but they also can be opposed. As Fraser (1997: 25) notes with her theory, redressing one aspect of cultural or social analysis can further imbalance another. For instance making visible the diversity and uniqueness of individual experiences of early menopause could detract from acknowledging the contemporary construction of early menopause through social inequality. Crucial to this understanding is a destabilizing of the binary construction of differences between the sexes that makes way for a reconstruction of early menopause through ‘sexual slippage’ (Matus 1995). In this thesis I look for a subtlety between the particular and the collective that views early menopause as concurrently a singular and changeable experience as well as imbedded in social practice. I suggest that these concepts are entwined as interactive effects of early menopause. Thus I have analyzed the bivalent problematics of the embodiment and social location of early menopause as imbricated, dynamic and unending discourses. From this perspective I reviewed the literature that was available on early menopause. In Chapter One I look to descriptions of early menopause and note that it has disappeared into a conglomeration of disparate, mostly medical, discourses that are contradictory. Nevertheless medical discourses offer ‘conclusive’ definitions of early menopause that are based on naturalistic views of the body (Shilling 1994). The determinants used are inconsistent and do not include women's discourses of early menopause. Thus, dominant medical discourses obscure women’s embodied experiences of early menopause and ignore the contemporary causes of early menopause. In Chapter Two I examine the causes of early menopause as a way of explaining the disparity between medical discourses and my anecdotal observations of early menopause as a fairly common contemporary occurrence. The relatively recent escalation in gynaecological surgery, especially hysterectomy, appears to account almost single-handedly for early menopause as a current phenomenon. Moreover, the extraordinary number of women who have their uterus removed at hysterectomy can be interpreted as a modern implementation of ancient anxieties. Women's sexuality has been constructed throughout history as problematic and this unease has been translated through women's bodies as dangerous and in need of control (Greer 1992). Thus social concerns which have evolved historically have emerged through the representation of a woman's uterus as an unseen, dark and mysterious risk (Beck 1993). Medical discourses define this risk and are able to negate the so-called dangers of women's sexuality through the surgical removal of their organs. Widespread negotiation of medical discourses is apparent, as hysterectomy in the modern Western world is the most common of all surgical operations (Hufnagel 1989). It is overwhelmingly the most common cause of early menopause as well. I examine also the historical condemnation of infertile women and how this anxiety has been transposed to the modern world through the commercialization of reproduction. Transactions of this social unease can cause early menopause. For instance the medical technology of in-vitro fertilization (I.V.F.) has been offered as a panacea for the infertility of early menopause but, paradoxically, can cause early menopause as well. Conception through technology has been normalized as a viable option for women who are unable to conceive and understandings of I.V.F. have moved into everyday discourse. Medical discourses have constructed fertility as a saleable item and infertile women expect that they can purchase this merchandise. Human eggs have become lucrative commodities that now are available in the market place. Egg ‘donation’ for I.V.F. programs can hasten the attrition rate of eggs and can cause early menopause in some pre-menopausal women (Rowland 1992: 24). Even the recycling of a woman’s uterus supposedly has become a possibility through the transferring of this ‘used’ organ at hysterectomy to a recipient woman who can use the other woman’s uterus as a ‘gestational garage’ (Rogers 1998). In this way women have been disembodied as mechanical systems with inter-changeable body parts and the potentially detrimental consequences of these commercial transactions are ignored. In addition I show how early menopause can be caused by the connection between the self and the social structure. Women's subjectivity is constituted through the cultural discourses available to them and these discourses affect social behaviour (Lupton 1995). For instance smoking and dieting have been identified as causes of early menopause. These activities have been related to the creation of women’s bodies as hetero-sexually desirable and are endemic to young women (Evans-Young 1995). This suggests that cultural causes of early menopause are transactions of sexual politics. Yet there is a paucity of literature that acknowledges the relationship between women’s subjectivity and early menopause. Thus the second chapter exposes a link between sexual politics and causes of early menopause through women's relationships with risk, naturalism and the self. In Chapter Three I deconstruct early menopause through theoretical considerations. I rely on an overarching poststructuralism that embraces the concept of fragmented plural discourses and the subjectivity of menopausal women as a continuous process (Komesaroff 1997: 61). I have woven these variables through broad feminist critiques (Leonard 1997). Through this eclectic approach I hoped to find some loose alignment between the corporeal, ontological and embodied dimensions of early menopause. The recurring themes of sexuality, fertility and subjectivity emerge through deconstructing discourses of sexual difference as immutable and non-negotiable; exposing ‘premature ovarian failure’ as a discursive construction that censures early-menopausal women; and acknowledging the discourses of individual women as unique, diverse and dynamic. I looked to a method of exposing some of these individual discourses and in Chapter Four I describe a critical research process aimed at understanding early menopause as a lived experience. In the remaining chapters I align these ontological arguments with an analysis of the discourses of women who had experienced or were experiencing an early menopause. This section partly relieves the ‘cultural non-recognition’ of the discourses of early-menopausal women. I recorded the narratives of fifty early-menopausal women through in-depth interviews and used this empirical data to direct the study. This data provides the opportunity to understand early menopause as an assortment of embodied experiences. For instance women’s experiences of age at commencement of menopause spanned over three and half decades. They did not reflect the age specifications prescribed by medical discourses. Rather women interpreted their experiences within their own discourses and determined their menopause as early based upon the expectations of their cultural context. Many of the women experienced changes attributed to menopause at midlife. It was not these changes that were significant to early-menopausal women it was how each woman translated these changes that provided meanings of early menopause. In Chapter Five I introduce the women through a table that connects the varying experiences of each woman. This profile shows that, in the main, the women’s experiences of early menopause were unexpected. I suggest that this is due to the disparity between early-menopausal women’s experiences and the current age and social norms of menopause. By bracketing the women into cohorts patterns emerged displaying differences between women who had menopause in their teens, twenties, thirties and forties. Adolescent women had intense feelings of abnormality and despair. Women who were in their twenties were less devastated by menopause than the younger women but described their sexuality and self-identity as changing. And although some women in their thirties were shocked or dismayed to have an early menopause others were ambivalent or happy. These women also described their sexuality and self-identity through changing discourses. A number of the women who were in their forties said that they were ‘too young for the menopause’ but were far less despondent than the younger women. It seemed that the greater the distance between age norms and social norms the more negatively women responded. Age norms that determine the social norms of women's lives through a ‘biological clock’ are constructed to reflect social values. But age is a social construction that changes over time. Thus it would appear that women’s changing bodies and changing discourses of early menopause are in the process of recreating age and social norms around menopause. In Chapter Six I draw upon women’s narratives that describe a connection between early menopause and sexuality. Yet the respondents were not unified in their constructions of sexuality. For instance a number of the women rejected the containment of their sexuality as absolute and defined in terms of bi-lateral hetero-sexual opposition. The discourses of these women constructed their sexuality as continuously flexible. Some early-menopausal women described this sexual mobility as an equivocal relationship between their sexuality, reproductive capacity and female organs. Other women articulated their sexuality as vacillating, ambiguous and unrepresentative of the so-called ‘true woman’. Several felt that they were not meant to have female reproductive organs at all. Nearly one third of the women had had their uterus removed at hysterectomy and the reproductive organs of two women were rudimentary. Women’s narratives showed that the social value of fertility influences constructions of early menopause. In Chapter Seven I record the contrast between the poignant responses of women who wished to have a baby of their own and other women who resisted discourses that entwine reproductivity with being a woman. For instance some women negotiated fertility through economic discourses of consumerism with the expectation that they could purchase conception as a commodity. Other women welcomed their early menopause as freedom from contraceptive concerns and others had no interest in reproduction at all. Thus discord arose through discourses that problematize early-menopausal women as non-reproductive and discourses that value variability. In addition many of the women’s accounts constructed their subjectivity as mobile, challenging the notion that discourses of the self are immutable. Chapter Eight presents narratives which suggest that the subjectivity of many women was altered continuously by early menopause. Yet some of the women rejected the construction of their subjectivity as unfluctuating. These contradictions reflect the uncertainties of the contemporary world. Nevertheless most respondents found that the tethering of menopause to constructions of midlife was incongruous with their own experiences. Many women refused to accept the label of social redundancy attached to middle-aged women. They moved their subjectivity beyond the reproductive body to a shifting and tractable identity of the self. This thesis demonstrates that the medical construction of early menopause as a rare and natural female flaw varies from women's experiences which suggest that early menopause is common and discursively constructed. This disparity has occurred through the privilege placed upon the construction of bodies as immutable and sexually static. This privileging has obscured the multi-dimensional causes of early menopause and given preference to a mono-causal theory. By exposing the variety of causes of early menopause the medical construction of women through a universal and unalterable body of reproduction is challenged. Moreover, women's discourses of early menopause demonstrate that the medical reduction of early menopause to a spontaneous bio-chemical malfunction has ignored the volatility of women’s embodied experiences. Women experience early menopause variously and through mercurial discourses. I suggest here that women's discourses of their experiences of early menopause reflect recurring and restructuring philosophical quandaries of fertility, sexuality and subjectivity. While there can be no representative claims made from this thesis it contributes to an understanding of the embodied experiences of early menopause. It provides an understanding of the creation of early menopause through social practices and goes part way to redressing the problematics of what Fraser terms ‘cultural non-recognition’. But, more importantly, it acknowledges early menopause as a variety of experiences where women interpret their changing bodies through changing discourses.

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Explores the experiences of older women having a sternotomy incision following cardiac surgery. Older women account for a large proportion of patients undergoing cardiac surgery each year in Australia. The context from which they face cardiac surgery is unlike that of men and of younger women, and there has been limited exploration of their experiences.

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The desire for muscularity is tied to Western views of the male gender role, which prescribe that men be strong, physically fit and athletically successful. Although, these ideals have been primarily studied among Western adolescent boys, there is emerging evidence that the same ideals are valued and promoted among males from the Pacific Islands. The aim of the present study was to examine body image concerns associated with muscularity and the reasons for these concerns among Fijian and Tongan adolescent boys. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 24 Indigenous Fijian, 24 Indo-Fijian, and 24 Tongan boys aged between 13 and 20 years. A thematic analysis of boys’ narratives showed that the pursuit of muscularity was a dominant theme for many boys. Boys’ reasons for pursing muscularity included the attainment of strength and fitness, sporting performance, physical work, dominance, and health. These findings are examined in relation to previous research with Western adolescent boys.

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Objectives This study investigated cultural values related to body image and eating practices in Western and non-Western societies.

Design and Methods In total, 628 Fijian, 463 Indo-Fijian, 598 Tongan, and 534 Australian adolescents completed measures of cultural values and religious influences in relation to the ideal body and eating practices.

Results Fijian and Tongan adolescents were more likely to value a large body. Religious influences were most strongly associated with eating practices for Fijians, Indo-Fijians, and Tongans.

Conclusions The findings support the role of religion in transmitting cultural values regarding eating practices in Pacific Island communities.

Statement of contribution
What is already known on this subject? Previous research has demonstrated that sociocultural factors shape body image and eating behaviours. Most of this research has been conducted in Western countries.

What does this study add? The current study identifies the role of cultural values and religious influences on body image and eating behaviours in a number of different cultural groups. This is the first study to use the same methodology to explore these relationships across Western and Pacific Island communities.

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Objective

This study aimed to identify cultural-level variables that may influence the extent to which adolescents from different cultural groups are dissatisfied with their bodies.

Design.
A sample of 1730 male and 2000 female adolescents from Australia, Fiji, Malaysia, Tonga, Tongans in New Zealand, China, Chile, and Greece completed measures of body satisfaction, and the sociocultural influences on body image and body change questionnaire, and self-reported height and weight. Country gross domestic product and national obesity were recorded using global databases.

Results.
Prevalence of obesity/overweight and cultural endorsement of appearance standards explained variance in individual-level body dissatisfaction (BD) scores, even after controlling for the influence of individual differences in body mass index and internalization of appearance standards.

Conclusions.
Cultural-level variables may account for the development of adolescent BD.

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This study examined, within the context of the Contingencies of Self-Worth model, state-based associations between self-esteem and body satisfaction using the experience sampling method. One hundred and forty-four adolescent girls (mean age = 14.28 years) completed up to 6 assessments per day for one week using Palm Digital Assistants, in addition to baseline measures of trait body satisfaction and self-esteem. Results showed considerable variation in both state-based constructs within days, and evidence of effects of body satisfaction on self-esteem, but not vice versa. Although these state-based associations were small in size and weakened as the time lag between assessments increased for the sample as a whole, individual differences in the magnitude of these effects were observed and predicted by trait self-esteem and body satisfaction. Collectively, these findings offer support for key tenets of the Contingencies of Self-Worth model.

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Objective: We explored the extent to which changes in emotional states following exposure to images of idealized bodies predict unhealthy body change attitudes and behaviors in women and men, and whether particular psychological traits mediate these effects. Method: One hundred thirty-three women and 93 men were assessed for unhealthy attitudes and behaviors related to body weight and muscles using the Eating Disorder Inventory-2 (EDI-2), the Obligatory Exercise Questionnaire, and the strategies to increase muscles subscale of the Body Change Inventory. Psychological traits assessed included body dissatisfaction (EDI-2), internalization of the thin/athletic ideal (Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-3), body comparison (Body Comparison Scale), self-esteem (Rosenberg Self-Esteem Inventory), depression (Beck Depression Inventory-II), and identity confusion (Self-Concept Clarity Scale). Participants were then exposed to photographs of thin female models and muscular male models, and visual analogue scales were used to measure changes in postexposure state body dissatisfaction, anger, anxiety, and depression.
Results: Postexposure increases in state anger, anxiety, depression, and body dissatisfaction correlated with drive for thinness and disordered eating symptomatology in women, while postexposure increases in state body dissatisfaction correlated with muscle development in men. Analyses revealed that internalization and body comparison mediated these relationships, with trait body dissatisfaction, trait depression, self-esteem, and self-concept/identity confusion serving as mediators for women only. Conclusion: These results are indicative of gender differences in: (a) reactions to idealized bodies; (b) psychological traits that predispose individuals to experience these reactions; and (c) types of body change behavior that are associated with these reactions.

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With interest in body image and body change behaviors growing around the world, there has been surprisingly little research conducted in Latin America on these issues. In order to gain some understanding of them in this context, this study investigated body image and body change behaviors, and the sociocultural factors that may influence them, among 337 Chilean adolescents aged 12–18 years. Participants completed a questionnaire that assessed BMI, body dissatisfaction, strategies to lose weight and strategies to increase muscle bulk. In addition, perceived pressure from family, peers, and the media to change body shape was evaluated. Results were partially consistent with those reported in Western nations. Girls were found to report greater body dissatisfaction than boys, but no difference was found between males and females in perceived pressure from adults in the family or from older siblings/cousins to lose weight. However, girls experienced higher levels of perceived pressure to lose weight from the media than boys, and boys reported greater perceived pressure from peers to lose weight than girls, and more pressure than girls from all sources to increase muscle bulk. These findings are discussed in relation to research conducted in other contexts, and it is concluded that findings from other locations may not be applied universally.

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This study examined body image across pregnancy. Pregnant women ( N = 158) completed measures of general attractiveness, feeling fat, fitness and strength, salience of weight and shape, and ideal and current body size at pre-pregnancy (retrospective), and in early, middle and late pregnancy. Body image was found to be fairly stable across pregnancy such that women who started with greater body concerns maintained them over time. Although women were least satisfied with their stomach size at late pregnancy, women's ideal body shape increased in parallel with increases in body size. Women with the most body concerns reported more depressive symptoms, tendency towards dieting, and smoking during pregnancy suggesting they were at greater risk in terms of health and well-being during pregnancy.

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This study investigates the influences on participation in physical activity of thirty adolescent girls from a metropolitan secondary school in Victoria. It seeks to understand how they perceived, experienced and explained their involvement or non involvement in both competitive and non competitive physical activity during four years of their secondary schooling. Participants experienced physical education as both a single sex group in Years 7 and 9 and a coeducational group in Years 8 and 10. They were exposed to a predominantly competitive curriculum in Years 7 to 9 and a less structured, more social, recreational program in Year 10. These experiences enabled them to compare the differences between class structures and activity programs and identify the significant issues which impacted on their participation. Large Australian population studies have revealed that fewer girls participated in sport and regular physical activity than boys. An important consequence is that girls miss out on the health benefits associated with participating in physical activity. Other research has found adolescence is the time that girls drop out of competitive sport. However, an important issue is whether girls who drop out of competitive sport cease to be involved in any physical activity. There are some studies which have reported good participation rates by adolescent girls in non competitive, recreational forms of physical activity and the possibility exists that they may drop out of competitive and into non competitive physical activity. This study primarily utilises a qualitative approach in contrast to previous studies which have largely relied upon the use of surveys and questionnaires. Whilst quantitative research has provided useful information about the bigger picture, there are limitations caused by reliance on the researchers' own interpretations of the data. Additionally there is no opportunity for any clarification and explanation of findings and trends by the respondents themselves. The current study utilized qualitative individual and collective interviews in three stages. Questions were asked in the broad areas of coeducation and single sex classes, preferences for competitive or recreational activity and body image issues. Some quantitative information focusing on nature and extent of current activity patterns was also gathered in the first stage. Thirty Year 10 girls participated in individual first interviews. Nine selected girls then took part in the second (individual) and third (collective) interview stages. Results revealed three groups based on the nature of physical activity involvement: [1] competitive activity group, [2] social activity group and [3] transition group. The transition group represented those who were in the process of withdrawing from competitive sport to take up more non competitive, recreational activity. The most significant difference between groups was skill level. On the whole those entering adolescence with the highest skill levels, such as those in the competitive group, were the most confident and relished competing against others. The social group was low in skill and confidence and had predominantly negative experiences in physical education and sport because their deficiencies were plainly visible to all. Similarly, a lack of skill improvement relative to those of 'better performers' affected the interest and confidence levels of those in the transition group. Boys' domination in coeducational classes through verbal and physical intimidation of the less competent and confident girls and exclusion of very competent girls was a major issue. Social and transition group members demonstrated compliance with boys' power by hanging back and sitting out of competitive activities. Conversely, the competitive group resisted boy's attempts to dominate but had to work hard to demonstrate their athletic capabilities in order to do so. Body image issues such as the skimpy physical education and sport uniform along with body revealing activities such as swimming and gymnastics, heightened feelings of self-consciousness and embarrassment for most girls. When strategies were adopted by social and transition group members to avoid any body exposure or physical humiliation, participation levels were subsequently affected. However, where girls felt confident about their physical abilities and body image, they were able to ignore their unflattering uniforms and thus participation was unaffected. Specific teaching practices such as giving more attention to boys, for example by segregating the sexes in mixed classes to focus attention on boys, reinforced stereotypical notions of gender and contributed to the inequities for girls in physical education. The competitive group were frustrated with having to prove themselves as capable as boys in order to receive greater teacher attention. The transition group rejected teacher's attempts to coerce them into participating in the inter school sports program. The social group believed that teachers viewed and treated them less favourably than others because of their limited skills. Girls were not passive in the face of these obstacles. Rather than give up physical activity they disengaged from competitive sport and took up other forms of activity which they had the confidence to perform. These activity choices also reflected their expanding social interests such as spending time with male and female friends outside school and increased demands on their time by study and part time work commitments. This study not only highlighted the diversity and complexity of attitudes and behaviours of girls towards physical activity but also demonstrated that they display agency in making conscious, sensible decisions about their physical activity choices. Plain Language Summary of Thesis Adolescent girls in physical education and sport; An analysis of influences on participation by Julia Whitty Submitted for the degree of Master of Applied Science Deakin University Supervisor: Dr Judy Ann Jones This study investigates the influences on participation in physical activity of thirty adolescent girls from a metropolitan secondary school in Victoria in order to understand how girls' perceived, experienced and explained their involvement or non involvement in both competitive and non competitive physical activity. Qualitative individual and collective interviews were conducted. Questions focussed on attitudes about coeducation and single sex classes, preferences for competitive or recreational activity and feelings about body image. Some quantitative information about the nature and extent of current activity patterns was also gathered in the first stage. Thirty Year 10 girls participated in individual first interviews. Nine selected girls then took part in the second (individual) and third (collective) interview stages. Results revealed three clearly different groups based on the nature of physical activity involvement (1) Competitive, (2) Social and (3) Transition (those in the process of withdrawing from competitive sport to take up more non competitive, recreational activity). The major difference between groups was skill level. Those entering adolescence with the highest skill levels were more competent and confident in the coeducational and competitive sport setting. Other significant issues included boys' domination, body image and teaching behaviours and practices.

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The current study examined body satisfaction and the value of body size among adolescents in Australia, Fiji, Malaysia, Tonga, Tongans in New Zealand, China, Chile and Greece. In total, 2489 adolescent females and 2152 males participated in the study. The results demonstrated that males were more satisfied with their body than females. Males generally had a lower BMI than females, except for males in China and Malaysia. Attitudes towards large bodies for males and females varied by cultural group. These results demonstrate the strong cultural similarities in body satisfaction, but the differences that occur in relation to a large body.

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We evaluated gender-based and cross-cultural equivalence of the Body Dissatisfaction Scale of the Body Change Inventory in a sample of 4,005 adolescents from 7 cultures that represent diverse body image ideals and response styles. Results of multigroup confirmatory factor analyses demonstrated equivalence of the scale across gender but not across cultures. Follow-up analyses identified small but significant cross-cultural differences in response styles (specifically, acquiescence and middle response option endorsement) as the source of this noninvariance. We recommend use of this scale for gender-based comparisons but caution that researchers should evaluate the presence of response biases before making substantive conclusions about cross-cultural differences in body dissatisfaction.

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We assessed intergenerational differences in food, physical activity, and body size perceptions among refugees and migrants from the Horn of Africa living in Victoria, Australia. We used a qualitative design and obtained data from 48 participants (18 individual interviews; 3 semistructured focus groups). Three major themes emerged: (a) food and physical activity, (b) preference of body size and social expectations, and (c) perceived consequences of various body sizes. For parents, large body size was perceived to equate with being beautiful and wealthy; slimness was associated with chronic illness and poverty. Parents adopted strategies that promoted weight gain in children. These included tailored food practices and restricting children’s involvement in physical activity. For young people, slimness was the ideal body size endorsed by their peers, and they adopted strategies to resist parental pressure to gain weight. Obesity-prevention programs in this subpopulation need to adopt a multigenerational approach.

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Background/Aims:  The aims of this study were to clarify the relationship between body mass index (BMI) and sexual difficulties and to investigate if BMI influenced sexual satisfaction, over and above the effects of sexual difficulties.

Methods:  Cross-sectional analyses of a nationally representative computer-assisted telephone interview. Eight thousand, six hundred and fifty-six respondents were recruited by random digit dialling in 2004–2005. Only those in a sexually active, heterosexual relationship were included in the current analyses.

Results:  After adjustments for demographic factors, both overweight and obese male and female participants were more likely to report worrying during sex about whether their body was unattractive. Among women, associations were also found between higher BMI and lack of interest in sex. No other significant associations between BMI and sexual difficulties were evident. There was an association between BMI and extreme physical pleasure for women but not men over and above the effects of sexual difficulties, with obese women being more likely than normal weight women to report extreme physical pleasure. No associations were found for either men or women between BMI and whether or not they reported extreme emotional or sexual satisfaction with their relationship.

Conclusions:  With the exception of body image difficulties, there is little association between BMI and self-reported sexual difficulties. Furthermore, extreme sexual and emotional satisfaction appeared to be associated with the presence or absence of sexual difficulties and not overly influenced by BMI. Overall, clinicians and patients should be aware that being overweight is not necessarily detrimental to sexual functioning.

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Background: This study investigated the relationship among negative affect, body image disturbances (BID), and interpersonal problems, and the mediating effect of self-esteem in a group of treatment-seeking obese individuals. Methods: Four hundred twenty-two obese patients (85 males and 337 females) completed standardised measures that assessed negative affect, BID, self-esteem, and interpersonal problems. Results: Structural equation modelling showed that obese individuals with greater negative affect and BID reported higher interpersonal problems and that self-esteem mediated the relationships among negative affect, BID, and interpersonal problems. Conclusions: The mediating role of self-esteem in the relationship between interpersonal functioning and psychological distress needs to be considered when selecting psychologically based interventions that aim to improve the well-being of treatment-seeking obese patients. © 2014 The Australian Psychological Society.