352 resultados para convicted offenders


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Public policy is necessarily a political process with the law and order issue high on the political agenda. Consequently, working with sex offenders is fraught with legal and ethical minefields, including the mandate that community protection automatically outweighs offender rights. In addressing community protection, contemporary sex offender treatment is based on management rather than rehabilitation. We argue that treatment-as-management violates offender rights because it is ineffective and unethical. The suggested alternative is to deliver treatment-as-rehabilitation underpinned by international human rights law and universal professional ethics. An effective and ethical community–offender balance is more likely when sex offenders are treated with respect and dignity that, as human beings, they have a right to claim.

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 This thesis identified a clinically meaningful three-group classification system of violent offenders utilising patterns of anger and crime-supporting beliefs using a sample of 305 male violent prisoners. The three types demonstrated differential outcomes following completion of a violence intervention program, highlighting the need for interventions more tailored toward treatment needs.

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Recent years have seen the development and implementation of a range of multi-disciplinary and partnership approaches to managing risk in known sex offenders, involving collaboration between justice and human services agencies. Potential barriers to the development of effective multidisciplinary practices arise when participating professionals hold different attitudes about those they are responsible for managing. This paper examines differences in attitudes towards sex offenders in two professional groups – police officers and allied health workers. The results suggest that police officers tend to hold more negative views than those who deliver treatment and support services. They are more likely to believe that offenders cannot change their behaviour and should be subject to more punitive sanctions. These findings are discussed in relation to judgements of both risk and dangerousness and associated decisions about the appropriate management of sex offenders in multi-agency and multi-disciplinary working forums.

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Police interviews with offenders form an important component of the sex offender registry monitoring process. This study provides an analysis of police professionals’ perceptions of the benefits and process of interviewing offenders on sex offender registries. Participants were a heterogeneous sample of 24 Australian police personnel whose roles were primarily associated with the operation of sex offender registries across three different jurisdictions. Participants’ perceptions of sex offender registry interviews were elicited using non-directive prompts in focus groups of between two and five officers. Transcripts of these focus groups were analysed andkey themes identified. Reported benefits related to the identification and correction of misunderstandings about registry requirements and elicitation of information to assist ongoing management and investigation of new offences. Further, establishing a sound relationship enabled proactive support of the offender in his/her attempt not to re-offend. Interview procedures emphasised the importance of genuine engagement and a relationship based on trust. The findings highlighted several challenges to interviewing and directions for further training, support and research. Participants’ responses underscore the significant role that interviews play in the effective implementation of sex offender registries and emphasise the need for successful engagement of offenders during these interviews to improve the utility of registry schemes. This was the first study to examine the strengths and challenges of interviewing offenders on the registry from a policing perspective.

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Recidivism outcomes were examined over a 2-year postrelease period for participants of an Australian employment assistance program. The voluntary 12-month program operated from 17 Victorian correctional locations, 7 prisons, and 10 community corrections locations, targeting participants at moderate to high risk of reoffending. Recidivism outcomes included simple rates of reoffending for the whole program (N = 3,034 registered participants) and analyses of rate and seriousness of reoffending and extent of poly-offending for a random sample of 600 program participants and 600 nonparticipants. Offending among program participants' pre- and post-registration was also investigated. Results showed a very low rate of reoffending (7.46%) for the entire program participant group while engaged in the program. As well, program participants had significantly lower levels of recidivism than nonparticipants, and postregistration offending was significantly lower than preregistration offending. Findings indicate that long-term postrelease employment support programs provide positive benefits in terms of reduced reoffending.

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Should a single mother of four young children who commits theft be sentenced to a lesser sanction than a woman who commits the same crime but has no dependents? Should a billionaire philanthropist be sentenced to a lesser penalty than the average citizen for assaulting a random bystander? Should a first-time thief receive a lighter sanction than a career thief for the same theft? The relevance of an offender’s profile to sentencing is unclear and is one of the most under-researched and least coherent areas of sentencing law. Intuitively, there is some appeal in treating offenders without a criminal record, those who have made a positive contribution to society, or who have dependents more leniently than other offenders. However, to allow these considerations to mitigate penalty potentially licenses offenders to commit crime and decouples the sanction from the severity of the offense, thereby undermining the proportionality principle. This article analyzes the relevance that an offender’s profile should have in sentencing. We conclude that a lack of prior convictions should generally reduce penalty because the empirical data shows that, in relation to most offenses, first-time offenders are less likely to reoffend than recidivist offenders. The situation is more complex in relation to offenders who have made worthy social contributions. They should not be given sentencing credit for past achievements given that past good acts have no relevance to the proper objectives of sentencing and it is normally not tenable, even in a crude sense, to make an informed assessment of an individual’s overall societal contribution. However, offenders should be accorded a sentencing reduction if they have financial or physical dependents and if imprisoning them is likely to cause harm to their dependents. Conferring asentencing discount to first-time offenders and those withdependents does not license them to commit crime or unjustifiablyencroach on the proportionality principle. Rather, it recognizes thedifferent layers of the legal system and the reality that sentencinglaw should not reflexively overwhelm broader maxims of justice,including the principle that innocent people should not suffer. Thisarticle argues that fundamental legislative reform is necessary toproperly reflect the role that the profile of offenders should have inthe sentencing regime.

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Purpose: Offenders with intellectual disability (ID) who commit arson and other acts of fire setting are over-represented in the criminal justice system in Australia, as in many other jurisdictions. The purpose of this paper is to provide insight into the judicial considerations that influence sentencing in these cases. Design/methodology/approach: Case law was utilised to locate and analyse judges’ sentencing remarks for offenders with ID found guilty of an offence of arson. These data were subject to Inductive Content Analysis to establish the major judicial considerations in sentencing. Findings: Seven common issues emerged: general deterrence, seriousness of arson, rehabilitation, sentencing options, moral culpability, protection of the community, and punishment. Judges noted that they handed down reduced sentences to persons with ID relative to the severity of their offending, that they considered people with ID to have low levels of moral culpability, and that these offenders did not provide good examples for community deterrence. Originality/value: The current study highlights the need for judges to have available a range of sentencing options, including diversion and treatment/rehabilitation programmes for persons with ID, particularly for those involved in more serious offences such as arson.

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Violent offender rehabilitation programs aim to reduce the risk of re-offending in known offenders by addressing a range of different treatments needs, often with core intervention targets of improving anger regulation and altering antisocial beliefs and thinking styles. Such programs have proven efficacy in reducing recidivism for some, but not all, violent offenders, and little is known about the effects of these programs on different offender types. This study investigates whether subtypes of violent offenders can be meaningfully identified and considers how this influences short-term treatment outcomes. Cluster analysis identified three distinctive violent offender groups within a sample of 305 male offenders who had been assessed for participation in a violent offender rehabilitation program. An "unregulated" group had high levels of anger experience and expression and low levels of anger control, and held beliefs that were strongly supportive of a criminal lifestyle. A "regulated" group demonstrated levels of anger and beliefs supporting criminal activity that were not in a range that warranted treatment. Finally, an "overregulated" group was assessed as the group at highest risk of violent re-offending and had low levels of anger experience and expression and an absence of beliefs supporting criminal activity. The unregulated group appeared to gain the most benefit from treatment, although it had the highest levels of criminal thinking and problematic anger. These findings nonetheless offer support for the hypothesis that violent offender treatment programs may be optimally effective when targeted at particular types of offenders.

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The authors investigated whether male violent juvenile offenders demonstrate any differences in local functional connectivity indicative of delayed maturation of the brain that may serve as a biomarker of violence. Twenty-nine violent juvenile offenders and 28 age-matched controls were recruited. Regional homogeneity (ReHo) method was used to analyze resting-state magnetic resonance images. Violent offenders showed significantly lower ReHo values in the right caudate, right medial prefrontal cortex, and left precuneus, and higher values in the right supramarginal gyrus than the controls. These regions had both high sensitivity and specificity in distinguishing between the two groups suggesting that dysfunction in these regions can be used to correctly classify those individuals who are violent. Dysfunction in the right medial prefrontal-caudate circuit may, therefore, represent an important biomarker of violence juvenile males.

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Background : Whilst impulsivity is most commonly linked to the development of internalizing disorders, high levels of impulsivity, anxiety, and depression have been found in detained juvenile offenders. We therefore sought to determine whether impulsivity is associated with the development of self-reported anxiety or depression in a sample of detained juvenile offenders.

Methods : 323 male juvenile offenders and 86 typically developing controls, aged 15–17 were assessed. The Schedule for Affective Disorder and Schizophrenia for School-Age Children Present and Lifetime (SADS-PL) was used to assess psychiatric diagnoses, the Barratt Impulsivity Scale (BIS-11) was used to measure impulsivity, and the Screen for Child Anxiety Related Emotional Disorders (SCARED) and the Birleson Depression Self-Rating Scale (DSRS) were used to assess self-reported anxiety and depression respectively.

Results : Compared to controls, juvenile offenders had significantly higher scores on the BIS-11 total, as well as on the motor and nonplanning subscales (all p values <0.001), as well as higher DSRS (p < 0.001) and SCARED (p < 0.05) scores. Within the juvenile offender group, scores on the SCARED correlated positively with BIS-11 total, attention subscale, motor subscale, and total DSRS (all p values <0.01). DSRS scores correlated positively with BIS-11 total, attention subscale, nonplanning subscale, and total SCARED scores (all p values <0.01). Participants were then categorized low, middle or high impulsivity according to scores on the BIS-11. One-way ANOVAs demonstrated a significant difference between these tertiles on DSRS [F(2,320) = 4.862, p < 0.05] and SCARED total scores [F(2,320) = 3.581, p < 0.05]. Specifically, post-hoc analyses found that the high impulsivity tertile scored significant higher than the remaining tertiles on both DSRS (16.1 ± 0.3 vs. 14.0 ± 0.6, p < 0.05) and SCARED (23.3 ± 0.9 vs. 18.4 ± 1.4, p < 0.05) scores. Using multiple linear regression, BIS-11 attention scores, number of months served in custody, age, and BIS-11 nonplanning scores predicted higher levels of anxiety, whilst only BIS-11 attention and nonplanning scores predicted higher levels of depression.

Conclusions : In detained juvenile offenders, high impulsivity may be an important risk factor not only for the externalizing disorders, but also for anxiety and depression. Results of this study, therefore, suggest that specific facets of impulsivity may represent one mechanism underlying the emergence of anxiety and depression in this population.

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Sentencing outcomes are often marked by a considerable degree ofunpredictability. A key reason for this is the large number of aggravating andmitigating considerations, some of which have unstable questionablefoundation. This article argues that one well-established aggravating factor —offence prevalence — should be abolished. Pragmatically, the courts have notestablished workable criteria or a process for establishing whether an offence isprevalent. From a normative perspective, increasing the penalty for prevalentoffences is unsound because defendants should be punished for their acts, notthose of other offenders. Further, on close analysis, all of the rationales (in theform of general deterrence, denunciation and specific deterrence) invoked tojustify offence prevalence do not do so. Abolishing one sentencing variable willnot make sentencing a significantly more coherent or predictable discipline, butthe methodology applied in this article can be used to assess the viability ofother sentencing considerations.