61 resultados para Weak confinement regime


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Under the Federal Government's CLERP 9 legislation, expected at the time of writing to come into force in July 2004, personal liability will be introduced for the first time under the continuous disclosure regime. Individuals who are 'involved' in a failure to immediately disclose materially price sensitive information to the market will be subject to a civil penalty, in addition to the company being liable. According to the author, the introduction of personal liability per se is not contentious and indeed is a favourable change; what is questionable, however, is whether 'involvement' in a contravention is the appropriate test for imposing personal liability in relation to breaches of the continuous disclosure provisions. Based on the case law to date on the meaning of 'involved', there is particular uncertainty as to whether an individual would need to have actual knowledge that non-disclosed information is 'materially price sensitive' in order to satisfy the test of 'involved' in the context of continuous disclosure, or whether mere knowledge that the information has not been disclosed would be sufficient. This uncertainty arises due to the vague concept of 'essential matters' which the courts have developed as a test for what degree of knowledge a person needs to have in order to be 'involved'. The author argues that all the confusion as to what 'involved' means could be addressed by removing the word 'essential' from the dialogue, so that the test of 'involvement' would simply be based on whether the particular person had actual knowledge of each of the factual elements constituting the offence.

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This work reports the first instance of self-organized thermoset blends containing diblock copolymers with a crystallizable thermoset-immiscible block. Nanostructured thermoset blends of bisphenol A-type epoxy resin (ER) and a low-molecular-weight (Mn = 1400) amphiphilic polyethylene-block-poly(ethylene oxide) (EEO) symmetric diblock copolymer were prepared using 4,4'-methylenedianiline (MDA) as curing agent and were characterized by transmission electron microscopy (TEM), atomic force microscopy (AFM), small-angle X-ray scattering (SAXS), and differential scanning calorimetry (DSC). All the MDA-cured ER/EEO blends do not show macroscopic phase separation but exhibit microstructures. The ER selectively mixes with the epoxy-miscible PEO block in the EEO diblock copolymer whereas the crystallizable PE blocks that are immiscible with ER form separate microdomains at nanoscales in the blends. The PE crystals with size on nanoscales are formed and restricted within the individual spherical micelles in the nanostructured ER/EEO blends with EEO content up to 30 wt %. The spherical micelles are highly aggregated in the blends containing 40 and 50 wt % EEO. The PE dentritic crystallites exist in the blend containing 50 wt % EEO whereas the blends with even higher EEO content are completely volume-filled with PE spherulites. The semicrystalline microphase-separated lamellae in the symmetric EEO diblock copolymer are swollen in the blend with decreasing EEO content, followed by a structural transition to aggregated spherical micellar phase morphology and, eventually, spherical micellar phase morphology at the lowest EEO contents. Three morphological regimes are identified, corresponding precisely to the three regimes of crystallization kinetics of the PE blocks. The nanoscale confinement effect on the crystallization kinetics in nanostructured thermoset blends is revealed for the first time. This new phenomenon is explained on the basis of homogeneous nucleation controlled crystallization within nanoscale confined environments in the block copolymer/thermoset blends.

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There has never been, and will never be, a randomized double-blind placebo-controlled trial demonstrating that exercise in youth, adulthood or old age reduces fragility or osteoporosis-related fractures in old age. The next level of evidence, a randomized, controlled but unblinded study with fractures as an end-point is feasible but has never been done. The basis for the belief that exercise reduces fractures is derived from lower levels of ‘evidence’, namely, retrospective and prospective observation cohort studies and case–control studies. These studies are at best hypothesis generating, never hypothesis testing. They are all subject to many systematic biases and should be interpreted with extreme scepticism. Surrogate measures of anti-fracture efficacy are the next level of evidence, such as the demonstration of a reduction in risk factors for falls, a reduction in falls, a reduction in fractures due to falls, an increase in peak bone size and mass, prevention of bone loss in midlife and restoration of bone mass and structure in old age.

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This study describes the macrophyte assemblages of temporary floodplain wetlands situated on the floodplain of the Murray River, southeast Australia. Wetlands in the study are subject to flooding, the frequency, duration, and magnitude of which are dictated by the current, regulated river-flow regime. Our aim was to examine the influence of the existing flooding regime on macrophyte assemblages and to trial a monitoring program, based on a multiple before-after-control-impact (MBACI) design, to detect the impact of proposed environmental water allocations (EWAs) on the wetlands. Two categories of flooding regime were identified based on the flow magnitudes required for flooding to occur (flooding thresholds). In this scheme, wetlands with relatively low flooding thresholds are classed as ‘impact’ and those with higher thresholds are classed as ‘control.’ The wetlands were surveyed over a two-year period that incorporated at least one wetting-drying cycle at all wetlands. Results showed significant differences between survey times (season and year), but differences between flooding regime categories were significant only for some components of macrophyte assemblages. Differences between survey dates appear to reflect largely short-term responses to the most recent flood events. However, macrophyte differences observed between control and impact wetlands reflected the cumulative effect of flood events over several years. Differences between control and impact wetlands were strongest for post-flooding surveys based on full assemblages (using ANOSIM) and among specific taxa and functional groups (using ANOVA). Power to detect differences between control and impact wetlands was greatest for species richness and total abundance, but taxa with low variability among wetlands, and hence good power, were actually less sensitive to hydrologic change. We conclude that the MBACI design used in this study will be most effective in detecting wetland ecosystem responses to the implementation of EWAs if response variables are carefully chosen based on their sensitivity to hydrologic change.

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Hanoi, like most capital cities, performs functions at three levels. It is home to its residents and provides local level services for them. But it also has a role as a city for all citizens of the Vietnamese state, performing capital city functions across the entire national territory as well as beyond national borders. Hanoi is especially interesting because of the uneasy way in which it has been forced to share power internally with Ho Chi Minh City in the south—Hanoi maintaining political and cultural sway but its rival becoming stronger in economic and demographic terms. Externally, it has struggled for recognition, having been regarded as capital of a weak political state open to the interventions of the Chinese, French, Americans and the Soviet Union. This paper argues that Hanoi's double vulnerability has made its rulers acutely aware of the need to demonstrate the city's power as a capital city—or at least to give the semblance of power—through urban planning and architectural design, the building of heroic monuments and the naming of city features after key historic events and people. Major events and projects have become an important way in which the Vietnamese government has sought to strengthen Hanoi's place—and hence its own—in the national consciousness. The regime also continues to push on with efforts to make a future Hanoi dominant both within the Vietnamese urban hierarchy and as the country's undisputed international metropolis.

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While the Temporary Protection Visa (TPV) regime was formally introduced in October 1999 by the Howard Government, the concept of temporary protection was not totally alien to the Australian humanitarian landscape. Earlier examples reflected a standard use of temporary protection as a complementary or interim protection mechanism, offering short-term group-based protection where individual assessment under the 1951 Convention was both impractical and untimely. This paper focuses on the wider and more controversial changes in the use of temporary protection mechanisms that were to follow with the introduction of the TPV in 1999, which offered substitute protection for individually assessed Convention refugees who had arrived onshore without valid travel documents. It examines the history and evolution of the TPV policy regime from 1999 to the announcement of its abolition in 2008, arguing that the introduction and subsequent development of the policy may be understood as a product of a conservative, exclusionist political climate in Australia, following the unprecedented impact of the populist One Nation party in 1998, and later, the impact of September 11th. It also examines later amendments to the regime as a response to growing domestic disquiet about the impacts of the policy, and the abolition of the TPV policy under a new Australian government elected in late 2007.

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In a previous issue of this journal, Smyth and Narayan (2004) examine structural change in the level of consensus on the High Court of Australia. In this article we adopt a similar strategy to that employed in Smyth and Narayan (2004) to estimate both the number and location of structural breaks in concurring and dissenting opinions on the U.S. Supreme Court. Although it has commonly been believed that there has been one regime shift on the U.S. Supreme Court, corresponding to the breakdown in the consensual norm in the 1930s or 1940s, we find that there have been three breaks in consensus. We find that two of the three breaks in dissenting opinions correspond closely to the beginning of the terms of Taney and Stone as Chief Justice, with the third occurring in the middle of Chase's term. We find that two of the three breaks in concurring opinions correspond closely to the beginning of the terms of Taney and Hughes and that the third break in concurring opinions occurs in the middle of the Warren Court.

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Foundational to both the operation and legitimation of our traditional media is the idea of representation: in some sense the images of television, the sounds of radio, the narratives of film, and the various public personalities stand in or in place of ourselves. Likewise our contemporary political system function as an elaborate representational system, where regions, "seats", electorates, the nation, and the nationstate are represented by individuals, parties and symbols. Although, there are differences between and among modern nation-states as clearly different political and cultural agendas are at play, the interplay of contemporary media, culture and politics has produced what can be called a 'representational regime' that more or less operates globally, albeit fragmented into national and regional groupings.

This paper explores the initial stages in the breakdown of this system of representation that has allowed a certain organization of culture and politics to expand and develop over the last two centuries. It acknowledges that central to this regime is something Nick Couldry has identified as "the myth of the mediated centre" (Couldry, 2003). What the paper argues, and therefore differs from Couldry's conclusion, is that there are cracks in the glue that holds the system together and they are emerging in the uses of new media. Through an exploration of presentational media - that is, media that is more involved with the presentation of the self for public/private and networked consumption than traditional media's effort to embody their audience in its narratives - the paper reaches for conclusions that identify a more elaborate legitimation crisis looming in our political and cultural worlds.