75 resultados para Female Physical Attractiveness


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School physical education (PE) and sport are commonly regarded as sites where dominant or hegemonic masculinities cultivate, often at the expense of individuals who embody different gendered identities. In all-boys' PE settings, curriculum content frequently orientates around competitive and traditionally masculine team sports wherein teaching pedagogies draw heavily on ‘masculine’ practices that serve to legitimate and/or reproduce hierarchical and heteronormative masculinities. Embedded in the broader tenets of gender equity, this article draws on Foucault's technologies of the self to examine the experiences of two female physical educators in an all-boys' school as they negotiate their daily work in an environment where embodied masculinities are intensified. In doing so, it looks beyond the PE department to the wider school context (discourse and practice) as integral to the contestation and struggles for the professional identities available and taken up by female PE teachers in all-boy settings. Our findings reveal strategies that these teachers employed to negotiate and reconcile the tensions associated with being ‘positioned’ outside the gendered hegemony of the school.

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The significance of physical education (PE) and sport in a boys’ school has long been highlighted as a device for the privileging of hyper-masculine identities (tough, stoic & assertive) at the expense of marginalised masculinities and femininities. The propensity for some “members of male sporting clique’s to engage in practices of bullying, shaming, violating and excluding” (Hickey, 2008, p. 148) raises important questions about how the practice of boys’ PE and sport can sometimes lead to unhealthy and damaging social interactions between different types of boys. In response to this rhetoric, some boys’ schools have acted to employ female PE teachers to disrupt “concern about the codes of unity, entitlement and privilege that can be forged among groups of boys whose identities are strongly aligned with sporting forms of hyper-masculinity” (Hickey, 2008, p. 148). Given this potential, we suggest that there is something unique or different about working in spaces or contexts around boys’ physicality. More specifically this paper raises questions about the particular implications for a PE teacher’s professional work, particularly as a female PE teacher.

In current educational climates the performance of boys in social and educational contexts attracts considerable concern. Better understanding the contributions and capacities of female PE teachers in all boys’ schools, (as localised social and political environments in which gendered identities are formed) is warranted. Professional identities and “the meaning of gender is negotiated in everyday interactions” (Priola, 2007, p. 23) implicating the culture of all boys’ schools as significant in the development of ideas around effective, gender inclusive, pedagogical practices. Drawing on case study data, this paper seeks to explore how notions of effectiveness about boys’ PE are formed, with intent to make visible the extent to which female PE teachers influence dominant gendered practices of social interaction in all boys’ PE settings.

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Historically, physical education and sport were constructed as curriculum practices for boys to explore, channel and hone their masculinity. While much has changed since their induction into the curriculum, there is a prevailing view that sport and physical education continue to operate as powerful conduits to the dominant masculinity. In a climate where the underachievement of boys’ in social and educational contexts is becoming increasingly concerning, much of the literature attributes factors such as a lack of male role models, the feminisation of education and the lack of ‘boy friendly’ curriculum and pedagogy as key contributors to the current dilemma. The role of physical education and sport in the gender socialisation process poses some important questions about the place of female physical educators in this ‘male component’ of the curriculum. Foremost here are questions about the capacity of female physical educators to provide effective learning and socialising opportunities to young males. This paper draws on research into the experiences of female physical education teachers working in all-boy schools to discuss issues of gender, power and pedagogy.

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Historically, gendered boundaries and their impacts on education have been widely contested. The global gender policy debate over the last sixty years has significantly vacillated between prioritising issues of educational and social practice that appear to privilege one gender over another (Lingard, Martino & Mills, 2009). The very nature of the title ‘Boys’ school’ conveys a hard gendered boundarying. In a socio-political climate where boys’ supposed underachievement has been attributed to the presumed “feminisation of teaching” (Hoff Sommers, 2000) it is not surprising that the rhetoric around the purpose and intent of boys’ education privileges masculinist discourses and practices. Physical Education (PE) and sport is often implicated as prominent curriculum spaces where the tensions produced through gendered discourse-power relations are played out, often at the expense of marginalised others.

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Recent work on the relationship between class attendance and student performance found that student absenteeism impacted negatively on students’ grade or scores performance (Stanca, 2006). This research aims to examine the relationship between students’ perceived physical attractiveness and lecture attendance. The findings indicated that most students agreed that they will attend the face-to-face lecture more often if the lecturer is ‘funny’. In particular, the male respondents of the study claimed that they would be more likely to attend lecture if the lecturer is ‘attractive’ and ‘good-looking’. Such results may be an indicator that physical attractiveness of the instructor can be one of the motivating factors for students to attend face to face lecture sessions.

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 This study explores the ways in which two female teachers in an all-boys' school negotiate their approaches to physical education pedagogy. Findings reveal that dominant gendered constructions underpin much of the school’s culture and as such, are heavily implicated in notions of effective PE pedagogy and practice in this school.

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Researchers have highlighted the significance of a poor body image in the development of dysfunctional eating but have systematically investigated few other outcomes. The authors examined the relationships between different aspects of body image and psychosocial functioning. Participants were 245 boys and 173 girls from Grades 8 and 9 (M age = 13.92 years, SD = 0.69 years). Respondents completed measures of physical attractiveness, body satisfaction, body image importance, body image behaviors, appearance comparison, social physique anxiety, self-esteem, depression, anxiety, and same-sex and opposite-sex relations. Whereas girls tended to report a more negative body image than did boys, the relevance of body image to self-esteem was similar for boys and girls. Concern about others' evaluation of their bodies was especially important in understanding low female self-esteem, whereas for boys, ratings of general attractiveness most strongly predicted self-esteem. The authors found a negative body image to be unrelated to symptoms of negative affect but to be strongly associated with poor opposite-sex peer relationships, especially among boys. A negative body image also affected same-sex relations among girls.

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Stereotypes and self-perceptions are important in understanding how people develop their self-knowledge and social identity, become members of groups, and view groups and their members. While we have some understanding of the stereotypical view of the physical education teacher, we currently have little knowledge of how physical education pre-service teachers (students studying a physical education degree) are stereotyped, and also if there is any relationship between these stereotypes and how physical education pre-service teachers perceive themselves. The purpose of this study was to examine the stereotypes and self-perceptions of physical education pre-service teachers. The aims were to describe how physical education pre-service teachers stereotype and perceive themselves, examine if there are differences in the stereotypes and self-perceptions between males and females, and to explore if there were relationships between what the physical education pre-service teachers believed stereotyped them and how they perceived themselves. Participants were 250 students (n=120 males, n=130 female) studying a 4-year Bachelor of Education (Physical Education) degree at a university who completed a questionnaire which contained 10 items about how they viewed physical education pre-service teachers (stereotypes), and 26 items on how they viewed male physical education pre-service teachers and female pre-service teachers (stereotypes) and 26 items on how they view themselves (self-perceptions). Factor analysis revealed 2 stereotype factors, which were labelled as Sociable (e.g., socialise, partying, drinking, loud and outgoing) and Health and Lifestyle (e.g., fit, playing sport and not smoking). The stereotype of the male physical education pre-service teacher, comprised two factors: physical, assertive and aggressive behaviour (e.g., aggressive, dominant, self-confident, and competitive) and physical and self-presentation factors (muscular, athletic, physically fit, physically coordinated, and attractive). The stereotype of female physical education pre-service teachers comprised three factors: physical appearance and ability (e.g., physically fit, athletic, able-bodied, attractive, thin, and physically coordinated), aggressive and assertive behavioural style (e.g., intimidating, unapproachable, and aggressive), and masculine behavioural style (e.g., aggressive, masculine, feminine, muscular and dominant). The self-perception of male physical education pre-service teachers comprised three factors: perceived appearance and ability (e.g., athletic, physical fit, thin, attractive, muscular and pleased with their body), aggressive and confident behaviour (e.g., intimidating, dominant, show off and aggressive) and independence and intellect (e.g., independent, ambitious, self confident and intelligent). The self-perception of female physical education pre-service teachers comprised three factors: strong willed behaviour (e.g., ambitious, and dominant), presentation and appearance (e.g., pleased with their body, attractive, thin and self confident), and aggressive and dominant behaviour (e.g., aggressive, intimidating, masculine and show off). There were significant relationships between the male physical and self-presentation stereotype factor stereotype and perceived appearance and ability self-perception factor and between the male physical, assertive and aggressive behaviour stereotype factor and the male aggressive and confident behaviours self-perception factor. For females, the aggressive and dominant behaviour stereotype was related to both the aggressive and assertive behavioural style self-perception factor and the masculine behavioural style self-perception factor. It is suggested that future studies investigate the stereotypes and self-perceptions of students in schools during the recruitment phase of socialisation, and the possible influence of the physical education teacher education programme, faculty leaders, and significant others on the physical education pre-service teachers’ self-perceptions, stereotypes and socialisation into physical education.

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The influence of place-based biographies in shaping professional identities and practices can be powerful. This is particularly prevalent in fields like Physical Education (PE) where personal physical and sporting prowess can readily become embodied signifiers of one’s credibility and expertise. In rural and regional communities, identities attached to, and social capital accrued from sports participation are often very strong. In this chapter we reflexively draw on aspects of our own personal biographies as active (and privileged) participants in rural community sport to explore the ways in which they have shaped our professional identities and practices as physical education teacher educators. We juxtapose our biographies alongside the experiences of ‘Rachel,’ a female physical education teacher who, at the time of data collection, had recently commenced teaching in a regionally based Catholic all-boys’ school after two previous posts in rural co-educational schools. Presented as heuristic devices, we look for points of intersection and divergence between Rachel’s experiences and our own biographies to consider the ways in which place shapes professional identities and pedagogical practices in PE. The practical translation of this self-study process is to be ultimately located in our undergraduate teacher education programs and in our identities as teacher educators.

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Developmental stress has recently been shown to have adverse effects upon adult male song structure in birds, which may well act as an honest signal of male quality to discriminating females. However, it still remains to be shown if females can discriminate between the songs of stressed and non-stressed males. Here we use a novel experimental design using an active choice paradigm to investigate preferences in captive female zebra finches (Taeniopygia guttata). Nine females were exposed to ten pairs of songs by previously stressed and non-stressed birds that had learned their song from the same tutor. Song pairs differed significantly in terms of song complexity, with songs of stressed males exhibiting lower numbers of syllables and fewer different syllables in a phrase. Song rate and peak frequency did not differ between stressed and non-stressed males. Females showed a significant preference for non-stressed songs in terms of directed perching activity and time spent on perches. Our results therefore indicate that developmental stress affects not only the structure of male song, but that such structural differences are biologically relevant to female mate choice decisions.

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The aim of this research was to provide a comparative analysis of the influence of behavioural alternatives, autonomy, competence and relatedness on participation in sport and physical activity for female adolescents within metropolitan and rural settings. Eighteen focus groups were conducted with a cross section of schools within metropolitan Melbourne and rural Victoria, Australia, involving 12–13-year olds and 15–16-year olds, using a semi-structured format. Content and thematic analyses were conducted on the data. Findings supported the sport commitment model by demonstrating that, in both rural and metropolitan settings, participation was influenced by the strength of commitment to a range of behavioural alternatives. Our findings also extended self-determination theory by suggesting that autonomy, competence, and relatedness were interrelated and their strength and influence on participation varied between settings. This study also has practical implications, including the promotion of more inclusive and supportive sports environments for female adolescents and promoting sport and physical activities as activity that promotes wellness, complements academic endeavours and reduces the stress of academic study.

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Purpose: Participation in physical activity (PA) is reported to decline in adolescence, particularly for girls. However, we do not know if this decline in PA is consistent across modes and settings or whether there are transfers of participation between modes and settings. Nor do we understand the changes in specific types of PA or the interaction between types of participation and different modes/settings. This study investigated contexts of PA participation for female adolescents at two life transition points.

Method:
A survey of 489 Year 7 and 243 Year 11 adolescent girls was conducted, incorporating a measure of overall PA level and participation rates in seven modes/settings and in specific types of sport and PA.

Results: Less than half of the respondents met or exceeded the recommended level of moderate or vigorous PA—60 min or more—on the previous day, and there was no statistically significant difference in the proportions in Years 7 and 11 (39.5% vs. 45.9%; p>.05). However, older adolescents shifted their participation away from organized, competitive modes and settings toward nonorganized and noncompetitive modes and settings and individual types of PA.

Conclusions:
An understanding of the changes in PA modes and settings identified here can inform the planning of policies and implementation of programs for the promotion of PA by adolescent girls.