5 resultados para feminist social movements
em Dalarna University College Electronic Archive
Resumo:
The emergence of social movements’ global politics Globalization not only transforms capital, media and technology, but also creates conditions for global politics, beyond ”international politics”. New transnational public arenas emerge, where a broad range of actors articulate demands and interests. A globalized political infrastructure arise from the combination of the (1) internal transnational mobilization within two opposing global networks: movements’ World Social Forum and political economy elites’ World Economic Forum; and a global connection with (2) regular dramatic street protests during multilateral regime summits; and (3) a permanent and virtual network of information communication technology that enables new forms of action, organization and mobilization. Together these arenas make participatory and global politics possible for social movements. Regime confrontations are formed by the new global media of ICT in a way that transforms the struggle into a political drama, where activists’ diversity of tactics – The Majority Drama, The Carnival, and The David-Goliath Drama – creates both competition and collaboration. These arenas are only emerging and this new form of global political structure creates both possibilities and problems. Still, a unique potential to democratize politics is created.
Resumo:
Play and empowerment: the role of alternative spaces in social movements The article examines the role played by alternative space in social movements and argues that it plays a crucial role in counter-acting feelings of powerlessness and facilitating the empowerment of subaltern groups. Alternative space is defined – using Benjamin’s notions ofshock, nature and history – as constituted by forms of interaction in which society is made to appear as history. To facilitate empowerment, alternative space must, firstly, provide a place for subaltern groups in which they are no longer subordinated; secondly, instill hope that social change is possible and encourage such change; and, thirdly, expand or consolidate alternative space itself. These tasks can easily enter into conflict with each other, since they sometimes appear to require alternative space to adopt more ”abstract” forms of interaction in which aspects of the social situation are bracketed and sometimes more ”concrete”ones in which such aspects are again given attention. In order to study how movements may relate to this difficulty, the article looks at three contemporary Japanese social movements with NAM, New Start / New Start Kansai and the General Freeter Union as central organizations. Only the third successfully combines the three tasks, in large measure through its skillful use of the play-element.
Resumo:
Crowd-pulling names or energetic activists? On symbolic capital as a power resource in the local organizational work within the global justice movement The article explores the global emergence of local Social Forums by means of an ethnographic study of the organization of the Stockholm Social Forum. In international academic debate, the forums are often discussed as a “globalization from below” and a new deliberative democratic process. However, empirical research on the organizational process, and its power relations, has been very limited. The theoretical concept symbolic capital (Bourdieu) and concepts from conversation analysis (CA) are used to analyze how power in terms of priority of interpretation is constructed in conversations between activists with differing political backgrounds. A detailed empirical analysis is based on the case of an internal discussion about inviting keynote speakers to the local forum. The results show how transnational networks and specific knowledge about the global social forum process became symbolic capital in the organizational process. Holders of this specific form of symbolic capital gained priority of interpretation in the internal discussions. This had an impact on the practical outcome of the organizational process in terms of the symbolic framing of the Social Forum. It is argued that the social forum process produces specific forms of cultural distinctions, social hierarchies and patterns of exclusion.
Resumo:
The purpose of this presentation is to discuss how teacher’s leadership can be used as a teaching method in web based language education. The environments that offer online courses provide a wide field for discussion on the contact between teacher and student. My intention is to contribute to the debate on teacher leadership in online courses. In my earlier studies on leadership, I have explored how some religious leaders affected different social movements in Brazil during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). Pruth (2004) by examining the three kinds of legitimacy described by Max Weber I aimed at seeing and analyzing how religious leaders used different teaching methods to explain their messages to ordinary citizens. Thus my research showed how educational leadership is a way to get people to reach their goals. I became interested in the subject teacher’s leadership whenI participated in a survey of the teaching methods of language courses in Dalarna University which is funded by the NGL Center of Dalarna University. In this project, we have made interviews with the teachers, undertaken the course plans (in the language department at Dalarna University) and categorized the learning outcomes. A questionnaire was constructed based on the learning outcomes and then either sent out remotely to teachers or completed face to face through interviews. The answers provided to the questionnaires enabled the project to identify many differences in how language teachers interact with their students but also, the way of giving feedback, motivating and helping students, types of class activities and materials used. This made me aware of how teachers use their leadership or not in their teaching. My focus is to look at the relationship between teachers and students as an important part of the development and quality of online courses. The teacher's performance on campus is different from online courses. I want to understand how the contact between teachers and students in online courses develop and look at how students can make use of this contact and what influence the teacher's leadership has on the ability for the students to achieve the goals of their course
Resumo:
This dissertation looked for to study the charisma of the religious mediator us " Movements of Christianity of Liberation " in the Diocese Sergipana of Propriá, during the decade from sixty to eighty. Centering our debate in the understanding of the social action, we have as main subject to understand the " poor " influence in the adoption of actions on the part of the mediators, in that public's favor, mainly in Fazenda Betume conflicts (1974) and of Santana dos Frades (1979). The hypotheses, we became pregnant that the mediators as D. José Brandão de Castro and the nun Maria Joana Hermínia exercised an important influence in the construction of the identity of the movements as CEBs, MEB and CPT in the area. Such influence was motivated by a conversion of the mediator D. Brandão, constituted starting from a relationship maintained between him and the members of the movements and proportionate for the critics and demands done by the popular ones. They resulted in actions in favor of the rural ones, what characterized the Church of Propriá as allied of the involved in the conflicts and no mere middleman. Before the collected material, we made use of the Analysis of Content using the poor " term " as analysis category, complemented by interviews done to members of the mentioned movements. Esta dissertação buscou estudar o carisma do mediador religioso nos “Movimentos de Cristianismo de Libertação” na Diocese Sergipana de Propriá, durante a década de sessenta a oitenta. Centrando nosso debate na compreensão da ação social, temos como questão principal entender a influência dos “pobres” na adoção de ações por parte do mediador, em favor desse público, principalmente nos conflitos da Fazenda Betume (1974) e de Santana dos Frades (1979). Como hipóteses, concebemos que os mediadores como D. José Brandão de Castro e a freira Maria Joana Hermínia exerceram uma importante influência na construção da identidade dos movimentos como as CEBs, o MEB e a CPT na região. Tal influência foi motivada por uma conversão do mediador D. Brandão, constituída a partir de uma relação mantida entre ele e os membros dos movimentos e proporcionada pelas críticas e demandas feita pelos populares. Elas resultaram em ações em favor dos campesinos, o que caracterizou a Igreja de Propriá como aliada dos envolvidos nos conflitos e não mera intermediária. Ante o material coletado, fizemos uso da Análise de Conteúdo utilizando o termo “pobre” como categoria de análise, complementada por entrevistas feitas à membros dos movimentos citados.