Persuading the Public : A Linguistic Analysis of Barack Obama’s Speech on “Super Tuesday” 2008

This essay examines the persuasive side of language in a speech given by Senator Barack Obama on Super Tuesday in February 2008. It studies how Senator Obama utilizes language to convince and persuade his audience. This is done from an Aristotelian point of view, meaning that the study focuses foremost on how the senator’s word choices relate to Aristotle’s three means of persuasion, ethos, pathos and logos. Those basic guiding principles are relevant to use since Aristotle’s work on the subject of rhetoric is still today one of the most relevant works in that field. The analysis is basically performed through personal observations guided by previous studies, within the frame of Aristotelian rhetoric. The results show how Senator Obama enforces the three means of persuasion through language and how it can be considered persuasive. The study might add to rhetoric studies from a linguistic perspective since it reaches a better understanding of language used in the field of politics, where rhetoric is a prominent component.

Biopolitik, civilsamfund og ’politisk eskatologi’ : Foucaults mistillid over for befolkningens indre kræfter

Biopolitics, Civil Society and Political Eschatology: Foucault’s distrust in the population’s inherent forces Michel Foucault’s scepticism toward discourses on the organic vitality of populations is not only explainable by his attention to the dark ‘underside of biopolitics – the risks of persecution of individuals, who threaten the population’s vitality from the inside. Moreover, it should be understood in light of Foucault’s acute sensitivity to the deep-seated, conflict-ridden nature of the population in terms of its inherent potential for cultural clashes, violent struggles, suspicions, hatred, or, in short, the perpetual conflicts of civil society. Foucault’s work led him to a position of ambiguous support for the state and to a more evident distrust in the forces of the population. He used the term “political eschatologies” about antipolitical visions that pronounce the end of politics in a final accord where social contradictions dissolve and the community will prevail over the state. Foucault played on the religious significations of the term, especially in regard to the religious, fanatic rejection of the duality between state and civil society, a rejection that rests on the belief in a completion of historical and political time and the final salvation of all in “the city of God”. The article demonstrates Foucault’s highly ambiguous view of civil society, it examines his discussion Ferguson’s work on civil society, and it considers Foucault’s use of the term “political eschatologies” to indicate the dangers of extreme, anti-state, political movements. It challenges the image of Foucault as an unequivocal proponent of grass roots and identity politics.  

Hårda nypor för ett mjukt samhälle? : Om medialisering och rasifiering i utspelspolitikens Sverige

Toughness for a soft society? On medialisation, racialisation and the politics of spin in Sweden In recent years, issues concerning the future of “multicultural Sweden” have become a salient feature in Swedish politics. One important actor in recent years’ debates about the problems confronting “multicultural Sweden” is the Swedish Liberal Party. Since the general election of 2002, the party has gained both publicity and electoral support by focusing the question of “integration of immigrants” in terms of assimilation and intensified demands aimed at the “immigrant Others”. In this article, the party’s recent developments in the area of integration policy is analysed within the framework of two general processes in contemporary politics, the politics of racialisation and the medialisation of politics. The party’s successful interventions in the area of integration policy are built on an intimate as well as complex interplay between racialisation and medialisation. The agenda articulated by the party, further, has several similarities with the agenda of “authoritarian populist” movements throughout Europe.

Vår bästa tid är nu? : Om tidsuppfattning och politisk självförståelse

Our best time is now? On conception of time and political self-understanding This study regards time as a horizon for action and argues that conception of time has great implication for political self-understanding. In the study, the modern conception of time, with its orientation towards the future, is contrasted with the late modern conception of time, which is characterized by a de-legitimization of utopian thinking and by an orientation towards the present. Political action is changing, from a transformation of the present into the future, to a management of the present. In this situation the future is not perceived as something qualitatively different than present, but is, as Helga Nowotny puts it, reduced to an ‘extended present’. Or, to speak with Luhmann, the future is a ‘present future’ where only one ‘future present’ is conceivable. The future is in that sense increasingly closed. The paper argues that the current pragmatization of politics is partly due to changes in temporal representations, and suggests that more attention should be given to temporal semantics in political analysis.