L'italiano in Svezia nel Seicento attraverso le testimonianze di viaggiatori italiani

Nell'articolo è illustrata la conoscenza della lingua italiana in Svezia nella prima età moderna, con particolare riguardo al Seicento. Gli studi pregressi su questo argomento mostrano che l'Italiano era in questo periodo una delle lingue di cultura più importanti in Svezia. Per verificare questi studi si sono utilizzate le notizie di prima mano contenute in alcuni testi odeporici (lettere, diari, relazioni ecc.) redatti da viaggiatori italiani recatisi in Svezia in questo secolo. Nei primi paragrafi del lavoro il lettore è introdotto alla comprensione dell'argomento grazie ad una esposizione contestualizzata sia della storia della Svezia sia di quella della lingua italiana tra Cinquecento e Seicento. Inoltre si offre anche una veloce introduzione ai contatti culturali tra l'Italia e la Svezia fino al Seicento. L'analisi dei testi odeporici seicenteschi conferma gli studi precedenti, basati su ricerche bibliografiche e d'archivio, dimostrando come l'Italiano, sebbene materia di studio accademico e di apprendimento privato, fosse in realtà conosciuto in Svezia solo da una piccola parte dei nobili, preferendosi ad esso il Francese, mentre il latino era conosciuto bene da tutti i rappresentanti del clero.

Ukrainas konstitutionella sicksackande : Regimförändring och partiutveckling under semipresidentialism

Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) “President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism.”; 2) “Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister.”; 3) “Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties.” I conclude from the study’s empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.

Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine : Hybrid Regime Dynamics under Semi-Presidentialism

This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

Störningsinformation i tågtrafiken : Attityder bland resenärer och tågbolag till störningsinformation och tjänster för sådan information

When booking a trip along the railway through several train operators it is not uncommon that information about possible disruptions along the railway (that can change or cancel the booked trip) are not relayed to the passengers. Today, research on rail traffic in Sweden is limited. It is unclear how satisfied customers are with the quality of the information they receive during their trip (if they get it at all), including with respect to disruptions. Our partners have identified what they believe is a need among train operators, which is a service for disruption information to travelers. In addition to confirming that there is a need for such a service, we have an interest to investigate how such a service might look like and what the users want. Our research has shown that passengers are not satisfied with either the amount of information about disturbances or how often they get it. Along with KnowitBorlänge, we have come up with a proposed solution that uses already existing technologies to create a portal for an efficient way to get the interference information to travelers.