5 resultados para SEMI-IPN

em Dalarna University College Electronic Archive


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Studiens syfte var att undersöka byråanställda art directors och originalares olika perspektiv på och förhållningssätt till sin yrkesroll med särskilt fokus på kreativitet och kundrelationer.Nio semi-strukturerade djupintervjuer genomfördes med sex art directors och fyra originalare. Respondenterna valdes ut genom ett kombinerat strategiskt bekvämlighetsurval från nio reklambyråer.Professionalism inom yrkesrollen visade sig vara något som respondenterna inte reflekterat över men det framkom att det främst handlar om hur art directors och originalare förhåller sig till kunden. Dessutom framkom det att respondenterna såg variation i arbetet som en positiv aspekt av yrket medan de såg prestationsångest och utomståendes oförståelse av yrket som negativa.Det framkom även att art directors och originalare i första hand ser på kreativitet som problemlösning, dock såg de olika på problemlösning i sina respektive roller. De använde sig av samma metoder för att finna inspirationsamt hanterade ångest på liknande sätt.Studien visade även att kunden och kundrelationen spelade en stor roll för yrket och ämnet berördes återkommande i respondenternas svar under intervjuernas gång. De använde sig av samma metoder för att finna inspiration

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Propremiar or pro-president? On the distinction between parliamentarism, presitentialism and semi-presidentialism. From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central and Eastern Europe and also from the longstanding debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been and continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism and presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms and therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiär (premier-presidentialism) and pro-president systems (presidentparliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorising constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems and try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region and democratisation.

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This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.