Wickedness, Governance and Collective Sanctions: : Can Corruption be Tamed?

Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

Corruption, governance and collective sanctions: : can a wicked problem be tamed?

Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

Communication in Smoking Cessation and Self-management : a study at Nurse-led COPD-clinics in Primary Health Care

ABSTRACTThe general aim of this thesis was to investigate behavioral change communication at nurse-led chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) clinics in primary health care, focusing on communication in self-management and smoking cessation for patients with COPD.Designs: Observational, prospective observational and experimental designs were used.Methods: To explore and describe the structure and content of self-management education and smoking cessation communication, consultations between patients (n=30) and nurses (n=7) were videotaped and analyzed with three instruments: Consulting Map (CM), the Motivational Interviewing Treatment Integrity (MITI) scale and the Client Language Assessment in Motivational Interviewing (CLAMI). To examine the effects of structured self-management education, patients with COPD (n=52) were randomized in an intervention and a control group. Patients’ quality of life (QoL), knowledge about COPD and smoking cessation were examined with a questionnaire on knowledge about COPD and smoking habits and with St. George’s Respiratory Questionnaire, addressing QoL. Results: The findings from the videotaped consultations showed that communication about the reasons for consultation mainly concerned medical and physical problems and (to a certain extent) patients´ perceptions. Two consultations ended with shared understanding, but none of the patients received an individual treatment-plan. In the smoking cessation communication the nurses did only to a small extent evoke patients’ reasons for change, fostered collaboration and supported patients’ autonomy. The nurses provided a lot of information (42%), asked closed (21%) rather than open questions (3%), made simpler (14%) rather than complex (2%) reflections and used MI non-adherent (16%) rather than MI-adherent (5%) behavior. Most of the patients’ utterances in the communication were neutral either toward or away from smoking cessation (59%), utterances about reason (desire, ability and need) were 40%, taking steps 1% and commitment to stop smoking 0%. The number of patients who stopped smoking, and patients’ knowledge about the disease and their QoL, was increased by structured self-management education and smoking cessation in collaboration between the patient, nurse and physician and, when necessary, a physiotherapist, a dietician, an occupational therapist and/or a medical social worker.Conclusion The communication at nurse-led COPD clinics rarely involved the patients in shared understanding and responsibility and concerned patients’ fears, worries and problems only to a limited extent. The results also showed that nurses had difficulties in attaining proficiency in behavioral change communication. Structured self-management education showed positive effects on patients’ perceived QoL, on the number of patients who quit smoking and on patients’ knowledge about COPD.

Learning in and through drama : The necessity to use multiple theoretical perspectives in order to understand how learning takes place in drama

The complexity of learning implies that learning seldom is about just one thing. It can be said that learning processes are interdisciplinary. Within educational contexts, learning is not limited to constructed school subjects. In drama education, learning is simultaneously about drama as aesthetic expression and content because drama always is about something. The mainly focus can be on form, content or social aspects. The different aspects are always present, but may be more or less foreground or the background depending on the purpose of education. How do development concerning understanding of form, content, and social interaction, interact in a learning process in drama? My research is based on the view that learning at the same time takes place as an individual, internal process and a socially situated, inter-subjective process. Can learning in drama imply learning that can be transferred between different situations, a transformative learning and if so, how? Transformative learning includes cognitive, affective and corporal and social action aspects and means that the individual's frames of reference are transformed, evolved, to become more insightful and flexible which implies a change of personality. It leads to an integrated knowledge that can be applied in different contexts.   In the paper that will be presented at the conference, theories about how we learn in drama will be discussed in relation to my empirical research concerning drama and learning.

What is important for you? A qualitative interview study of living with diabetes and experiences of diabetes care to establish a basis for a tailored Patient-Reported Outcome Measure for the Swedish National Diabetes Register

OBJECTIVES: There is a growing emphasis on the perspective of individuals living with diabetes and the need for a more person-centred diabetes care. At present, the Swedish National Diabetes Register (NDR) lacks patient-reported outcome measures (PROMs) based on the perspective of the patient. As a basis for a new PROM, the aim of this study was to describe important aspects in life for adult individuals with diabetes. DESIGN: Semistructured qualitative interviews analysed using content analysis. SETTING: Hospital-based outpatient clinics and primary healthcare clinics in Sweden. PARTICIPANTS: 29 adults with type 1 diabetes mellitus (DM) (n=15) and type 2 DM (n=14). INCLUSION CRITERIA: Swedish adults (≥18 years) living with type 1 DM or type 2 DM (duration ≥5 years) able to describe their situation in Swedish. Purposive sampling generated heterogeneous characteristics. RESULTS: To live a good life with diabetes is demanding for the individual, but experienced barriers can be eased by support from others in the personal sphere, and by professional support from diabetes care. Diabetes care was a crucial resource to nurture the individual's ability and knowledge to manage diabetes, and to facilitate life with diabetes by supplying support, guidance, medical treatment and technical devices tailored to individual needs. The analysis resulted in the overarching theme 'To live a good life with diabetes' constituting the two main categories 'How I feel and how things are going with my diabetes' and 'Support from diabetes care in managing diabetes' including five different categories. CONCLUSIONS: Common aspects were identified including the experience of living with diabetes and support from diabetes care. These will be used to establish a basis for a tailored PROM for the NDR.

Processes and variations in language economisation

This article analyses the processes of reducing language in textchats produced by non-native speakers of English. We propose that forms are reduced because of their high frequency and because of the discourse context. A wide variety of processes are attested in the literature, and we find different forms of clippings in our data, including mixtures of different clippings, homophone respellings, phonetic respellings including informal oral forms, initialisms (but no acronyms), and mixtures of clipping together with homophone and phonetic respellings. Clippings were the most frequent process (especially back-clippings and initialisms), followed by homophone respellings. There were different ways of metalinguistically marking reduction, but capitalisation was by far the most frequent. There is much individual variation in the frequencies of the different processes, although most were within normal distribution. The fact that nonnative speakers seem to generally follow reduction patterns of native speakers suggests that reduction is a universal process.