143 resultados para Transnational mining

em CentAUR: Central Archive University of Reading - UK


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Trace elements may present an environmental hazard in the vicinity of mining and smelting activities. However, the factors controlling their distribution and transfer within the soil and vegetation systems are not always well defined. Total concentrations of up to 15,195 mg center dot kg (-1) As, 6,690 mg center dot kg(-1) Cu, 24,820 mg center dot kg(-1) Pb and 9,810 mg center dot kg(-1) Zn in soils, and 62 mg center dot kg(-1) As, 1,765 mg center dot kg(-1) Cu, 280 mg center dot kg(-1) Pb and 3,460 mg center dot kg (-1) Zn in vegetation were measured. However, unusually for smelters and mines of a similar size, the elevated trace element concentrations in soils were found to be restricted to the immediate vicinity of the mines and smelters (maximum 2-3 km). Parent material, prevailing wind direction, and soil physical and chemical characteristics were found to correlate poorly with the restricted trace element distributions in soils. Hypotheses are given for this unusual distribution: (1) the contaminated soils were removed by erosion or (2) mines and smelters released large heavy particles that could not have been transported long distances. Analyses of the accumulation of trace elements in vegetation (median ratios: As 0.06, Cu 0.19, Pb 0.54 and Zn 1.07) and the percentage of total trace elements being DTPA extractable in soils (median percentages: As 0.06%, Cu 15%, Pb 7% and Zn 4%) indicated higher relative trace element mobility in soils with low total concentrations than in soils with elevated concentrations.

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Trace elements may present an environmental hazard in the vicinity of mining and smelting activities. However, the factors controlling trace element distribution in soils around ancient and modem mining and smelting areas are not always clear. Tharsis, Riotinto and Huelva are located in the Iberian Pyrite Belt in SW Spain. Tharsis and Riotinto mines have been exploited since 2500 B.C., with intensive smelting taking place. Huelva, established in 1970 and using the Flash Furnace Outokumpu process, is currently one of the largest smelter in the world. Pyrite and chalcopyrite ore have been intensively smelted for Cu. However, unusually for smelters and mines of a similar size, the elevated trace element concentrations in soils were found to be restricted to the immediate vicinity of the mines and smelters, being found up to a maximum of 2 kin from the mines and smelters at Tharsis, Riotinto and Huelva. Trace element partitioning (over 2/3 of trace elements found in the residual immobile fraction of soils at Tharsis) and soil particles examination by SEM-EDX showed that trace elements were not adsorbed onto soil particles, but were included within the matrix of large trace element-rich Fe silicate slag particles (i.e. 1 min circle divide at least 1 wt.% As, Cu and Zn, and 2 wt.% Pb). Slag particle large size (I mm 0) was found to control the geographically restricted trace element distribution in soils at Tharsis, Riotinto and Huelva, since large heavy particles could not have been transported long distances. Distribution and partitioning indicated that impacts to the environment as a result of mining and smelting should remain minimal in the region. (c) 2006 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Toxic trace elements present an environmental hazard in the vicinity of mining and smelting activities. However. the processes of transfer of these elements to groundwater and to plants are not always clear. Tharsis mine. in the Iberian pyrite belt (SW Spain), has been exploited since 2500 BC, with extensive smelting, taking place front the 1850S until the 1920s. Sixty four soil (mainly topsoils) and vegetation samples were collected in February 2001 and analysed by ICP-AES for 23 elements. Concentrations are 6-6300 mg kg(-1) As and 14-24800 mg kg(-1) Pb in soils, and 0.20-9 mg kg(-1) As and 2-195 mg Pb in vegetation. Trace element concentrations decrease rapidly away from the mine. with As and Pb concentrations in the range 6-1850 mg kg(-1) (median 22 mg kg(-1)) and 14-31 mg, kg(-1) (median 43 mg, kg(-1)), respectively, 1 km away from the mine. These concentrations are low when compared to other well-studied mining and smelting areas (e.g. 600 mg kg(-1) As at 8 km from Yellowknife smelter, Canada; >100 mg kg(-1) Pb over 270 km(2) around the Pb-Zn Port Pirie smelter. South Australia: mean of 1419 mg kg(-1) Pb around Aberystwyth smelter, Wales, UK). The high metal content of the vegetation and the low soil pH (mean pH 4.93) indicate the potential for trace element mobility which Could explain the relatively low concentration of metals in Tharsis topsoils and cause threats to plans to redevelop the Tharsis area as an orange plantation.

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Building upon existing Caribbean research by Condon and Duval, we assess how repetitive visiting is, or is not, important to youthful return migrants in their 30s and 40s, who have decided to return more permanently to Trinidad. Is it influential in their social and economic adaptations on return, and does this transnational practice lead to a more permanent return? Our analysis is based on 40 detailed narratives which were collected in 2004-2005. For some returnees, repetitive visiting is influential, for others one visit is enough and for a few, it makes no difference. Yet it is certainly a common practice for 'keeping in touch' among our transnational informants.

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Second-generation British-Barbadians ("Bajan-Brits'') returning to the land of their parents are frequently accused by indigenous Barbadian nationals of being mad. Narratives of the migrants reflect four major sets of factors: (1) madness as perceived behavioral and cultural differences; (2) explanations that relate to the historical-clinical circumstances surrounding the incidence of mental ill health among first-generation West Indian migrants to the United Kingdom; (3) madness as a pathology of alienation that is attendant on living in Barbados; and (4) madness as "othering,'' "outing,'' and "fixity.'' British second-generation "returning nationals'' to the Caribbean, living as they do in the plural world of the land of their parents' birth, after having been raised in the colonial "Mother Country,'' exhibit hybridity and in-betweenness. Accusations of madness serve to fix the position of these young migrants outside the mainstream of indigenous Barbadian society. Our analysis invokes recent postcolonial writings dealing with "strange encounters'' to theorize that the madness accusation serves to "other'' the young Bajan-Brit migrants in a strongly postcolonial context.

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This paper deals with second-generation Barbadians or 'Bajan-Brits', who have decided to,return' to the birthplace of their parents, focusing on their reactions to matters relating to race relations and racialised identities. The importance of race and the operation of the 'colour-class' system in the Caribbean are established at the outset. Based on fifty-two qualitative in-depth interviews, the paper initially considers the positive things that the second-generation migrants report about living in a majority black country and the salience of such racial affirmation as part of their migration process. The paper then presents an analysis of the narratives provided by the Bajan-Brits concerning their reactions to issues relating to race relations in Barbadian society. The impressions of the young returnees provide clear commentaries on what are regarded as (i) the 'acceptance of white hegemony' within Barbadian society, (ii) the occurrence of de facto 'racial segregation, (iii) perceptions of the 'existence of apartheid, and (iv) 'the continuation of slavery'. The account then turns to the contemporary operation of the colour-class system. It is concluded that, despite academic arguments that the colour-class dimension has to be put to one side as the principal dimension of social stratification in the contemporary Caribbean, the second-generation migrants are acutely aware of the continued existence and salience of such gradations within society. Thus, the analysis not only serves to emphasise the continued importance of racial-based stratification in the contemporary Caribbean, but also speaks of the 'hybrid' and 'in-between' racialised identities of the second-generation migrants.

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In molecular biology, it is often desirable to find common properties in large numbers of drug candidates. One family of methods stems from the data mining community, where algorithms to find frequent graphs have received increasing attention over the past years. However, the computational complexity of the underlying problem and the large amount of data to be explored essentially render sequential algorithms useless. In this paper, we present a distributed approach to the frequent subgraph mining problem to discover interesting patterns in molecular compounds. This problem is characterized by a highly irregular search tree, whereby no reliable workload prediction is available. We describe the three main aspects of the proposed distributed algorithm, namely, a dynamic partitioning of the search space, a distribution process based on a peer-to-peer communication framework, and a novel receiverinitiated load balancing algorithm. The effectiveness of the distributed method has been evaluated on the well-known National Cancer Institute’s HIV-screening data set, where we were able to show close-to linear speedup in a network of workstations. The proposed approach also allows for dynamic resource aggregation in a non dedicated computational environment. These features make it suitable for large-scale, multi-domain, heterogeneous environments, such as computational grids.