Making sense of survival: refining the treatment of state preferences in neorealist theory

The assumption that ‘states' primary goal is survival’ lies at the heart of the neorealist paradigm. A careful examination of the assumption, however, reveals that neorealists draw upon a number of distinct interpretations of the ‘survival assumption’ that are then treated as if they are the same, pointing towards conceptual problems that surround the treatment of state preferences. This article offers a specification that focuses on two questions that highlight the role and function of the survival assumption in the neorealist logic: (i) what do states have to lose if they fail to adopt self-help strategies?; and (ii) how does concern for relevant losses motivate state behaviour and affect international outcomes? Answering these questions through the exploration of governing elites' sensitivity towards regime stability and territorial integrity of the state, in turn, addresses the aforementioned conceptual problems. This specification has further implications for the debates among defensive and offensive realists, potential extensions of the neorealist logic beyond the Westphalian states, and the relationship between neorealist theory and policy analysis.

The effect of nicotine in vitro on the integrity of tight junctions in Caco-2 cell monolayers

Ulcerative colitis is characterised by impairment of the epithelial barrier and tight junction alterations resulting in increased intestinal permeability. UC is less common in smokers with smoking reported to decrease paracellular permeability. The aim of this study was thus to determine the effect of nicotine, the major constituent in cigarettes and its metabolites on the integrity of tight junctions in Caco-2 cell monolayers. The integrity of Caco-2 tight junctions was analysed by measuring the transepithelial electrical resistance (TER) and by tracing the flux of the fluorescent marker fluorescein, after treatment with various concentrations of nicotine or nicotine metabolites over 48 h. TER was significantly higher compared to the control for all concentrations of nicotine 0.01-10 M at 48 h (p < 0.001), and for 0.01 mu M (p < 0.001) and 0.1 mu M and 10 M nicotine (p < 0.01) at 12 and 24 h. The fluorescein flux results supported those of the TER assay. TER readings for all nicotine metabolites tested were also higher at 24 and 48 h only (p <= 0.01). Western blot analysis demonstrated that nicotine up-regulated the expression of the tight junction proteins occludin and claudin-l (p < 0.01). Overall, it appears that nicotine and its metabolites, at concentrations corresponding to those reported in the blood of smokers, can significantly improve tight junction integrity, and thus, decrease epithelial gut permeability. We have shown that in vitro, nicotine appears more potent than its metabolites in decreasing epithelial gut permeability. We speculate that this enhanced gut barrier may be the result of increased expression of claudin-l and occludin proteins, which are associated with the formation of tight junctions. These findings may help explain the mechanism of action of nicotine treatment and indeed smoking in reducing epithelial gut permeability. (c) 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Engaging in European spatial planning: a central and Eastern European perspective on the territorial cohesion debate

The following paper sets out to determine the differential extent of the engagement of Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states with the European spatial planning (ESP) debate over territorial cohesion. It focuses on the written statements submitted in response to the European Commission “Green Paper on Territorial Cohesion” consultation in 2009. The geographical distribution of the respondents is analysed, before CEE member states’ responses are examined in detail, to explore the diverse interpretations of the concept of “territorial cohesion” among CEE actors. While the data collection for this paper has been restricted empirically to the consultation process, it reflects its findings in consideration of member states’ engagement with the debate as it manifested before and after the Green Paper. The debate over the exact conceptual and operational “framing” of territorial cohesion, launched by the European Commission's Green Paper, constitutes one of the many arenas through which ESP currently evolves, together with the transnational initiatives developed in the framework of the European Territorial Cooperation objective, the European Observation Network for Territorial Development and Cohesion (ESPON) and the process that recently led to the publication of the Territorial Agenda of the European Union 2020. The paper concludes that the overall level of engagement of CEE actors in ESP is proportionally lower in comparison with that of their northwestern European counterparts. The increasing involvement of some CEE member states within the ESPON 2013 Programme, as well as the activities undertaken by the Hungarian and Polish EU Presidencies in 2011, suggests that this level of CEE engagement is growing albeit differentially.

The engagement of territorial knowledge communities with European spatial planning and the territorial cohesion debate: a Baltic perspective

Recent, dramatic spatial development trends have contributed to the consolidation of a unique territorial governance landscape in the Baltic States. The paper examines the transformation of this evolving institutional landscape for planning practice and knowledge, which has been marked by the disintegration of Soviet institutions and networks, the transition to a market-based economy and the process of accession to the EU. It explores the evolution of territorial knowledge channels in the Baltic States, and the extent and nature of the engagement of actors' communities with the main knowledge arenas and resources of European spatial planning (ESP). The paper concludes that recent shifts in the evolution of these channels suggest the engagement of ESP has concentrated among epistemic communities at State and trans-national levels of territorial governance. The limited policy coordination across a broader spectrum of diverse actors is compounded by institutionally weak and fragmented professional communities of practice, fragmented government structures and marginalized advocacy coalitions.