22 resultados para State infrastructural power

em CentAUR: Central Archive University of Reading - UK


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The purpose of this volume is to examine and evaluate the impact of international state-building interventions on the political economy of post-conflict countries over the last 20 years. It analyses how international interventions have shaped political and economic dynamics and structures – both formal and informal – and what kind of state, and what kind of state-society relations have been created as a result, through three different lenses: first, through the approaches taken by different international actors like the UN, the International Financial Institutions, or the European Union, to state-building; second, through detailed analysis of key state-building policies; and third, through a wide range of country case studies. Amongst the recurring themes that are highlighted by the book’s focus on the political economy of state-building, and that help to explain why international state-building interventions have tended to fall short of the visions of interveners and local populations alike are evidence of important continuities between war-time and “post-conflict” economies and authority structures, which are often consolidated as a consequence of international involvement; tensions arising from what are often the competing interests and values held by different interveners and local actors; and, finally, the continuing salience of economic and political violence in state-building processes and war-to-peace transitions. The book aims to offer a more nuanced understanding of the complex impact of state-building practices on post-conflict societies, and of the political economy of post-conflict state-building.

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The roots of insurgencies and counterinsurgency go back to Antiquity, and consistent patterns can be traced. These include the state's use of its own armed forces against insurgents who tend to be inferior in terms of armaments, and states' attempts to delegitimize violent aimed to overthrow it, and the need for insurgents to recur to illegal means to challenge the state's power. Very often insurgents have to team up with criminal networks in order to do so, undermining their ability to claim legitimacy.

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This paper deconstructs the relationship between the Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI) and national income. The ESI attempts to provide a single figure which encapsulates environmental sustainability' for each country included in the analysis, and this allied with a 'league table' format so as to name and shame bad performers, has resulted in widespread reporting within the popular presses of a number of countries. In essence, the higher the value of the ESI then the more 'environmentally sustainable' a country is deemed to be. A logical progression beyond the use of the ESI to publicise environmental sustainability is its use within a more analytical context. Thus an index designed to simplify in order to have an impact on policy is used to try and understand causes of good and bad performance in environmental sustainability. For example the creators of the ESI claim that ESI is related to GDP/capita (adjusted for Purchasing Power Parity) such that the ESI increases linearly with wealth. While this may in a sense be a comforting picture, do the variables within the ESI allow for alternatives to the story, and if they do then what are the repercussions for those producing such indices for broad consumption amongst the policy makers, mangers, the press, etc.? The latter point is especially important given the appetite for such indices amongst non-specialists, and for all their weaknesses the ESI and other such aggregated indices will not go away. (C) 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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An experimental technique based on a scheme of vibrationally mediated photodissociation has been developed and applied to the spectroscopic study of highly excited vibrational states in HCN, with energies between 29 000 and 30 000 cm(-1). The technique consists of four sequential steps: in the first one, a high power laser is used to vibrationally excite the sample to an intermediate state, typically (0,0,4), the nu(3) mode being approximately equivalent to the C-H stretching vibration. Then a second laser is used to search for transitions between this intermediate state and highly vibrationally excited states. When one of these transitions is found, HCN molecules are transferred to a highly excited vibrational state. Third, a ultraviolet laser photodissociates the highly excited molecules to produce H and CN radicals in its A (2)Pi electronic state. Finally, a fourth laser (probe) detects the presence of the CN(A) photofragments by means of an A-->B-->X laser induced fluorescence scheme. The spectra obtained with this technique, consisting of several rotationally resolved vibrational bands, have been analyzed. The positions and rotational parameters of the states observed are presented and compared with the results of a state-of-the-art variational calculation. (C) 2004 American Institute of Physics.

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Nuclear mnagnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy involves the excitation of nuclei by electromagnetic radiation in the radio-frequency range of the electromagnetic spectrum. For a nucleus to absorb energy from radiowaves in this way, it must hve the quantum mechanical property of spin. A spinning nucleus, such as that of the hydrogen atom, will dopt one f only two possible states when placed in a magnetic field. (In NMR, the hydrogen nucleus is often referred to as a proton, and is given the abbreviation 1H.) Az the strength of the magnetic field is increased, there is a proportional increase in the energy 'gap' between these two states. We can predic the resonant frequency at which any spinning nucleus will absorb energy from radio-frequency radiation as it jumps from the lower energy state to the upper state.

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A novel wide-band noise source for millimetre-wave spectrometry is described. It uses power combined Schottky diodes, reverse biased to avalanche breakdown, mounted in a wide-band tapered slot antenna. Power has been produced from 15 to 200 GHz with an equivalent temperature of 28200 K at 40 GHz.

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Creep and stress relaxation are inherent mechanical behaviors of viscoelastic materials. It is considered that both are different performances of one identical physical phenomenon. The relationship between the decay stress and time during stress relaxation has been derived from the power law equation of the steady-state creep. The model was used to analyse the stress relaxation curves of various different viscoelastic materials (such as pure polycrystalline ice, polymers, foods, bones, metal, animal tissues, etc.). The calculated results using the theoretical model agree with the experimental data very well. Here we show that the new mathematical formula is not only simple but its parameters have the clear physical meanings. It is suitable to materials with a very broad scope and has a strong predictive ability.

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In Feminism and the Power of Law Carol Smart argued that feminists should use non-legal strategies rather than looking to law to bring about women’s liberation. This article seeks to demonstrate that, as far as marriage is concerned, she was right. Statistics and contemporary commentary show how marriage, once the ultimate and only acceptable status for women, has declined in social significance to such an extent that today it is a mere lifestyle choice. This is due to many factors, including the ‘sexual revolution’ of the 1960s, improved education and job opportunities for women, and divorce law reform, but the catalyst for change was the feminist critique that called for the abandonment (rather than the reform) of the institution and made the unmarried state possible for women. I conclude that this loss of significance has been more beneficial to British women in terms of the possibility of ‘liberation’ than appeals for legal change and recognition, and that we should continue to be wary of looking to law to solve women’s problems.

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The chapter examines the impact of international statbuilding efforts on political and economic dynamics in Kosovo from 1999 to 2011

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We study a two-way relay network (TWRN), where distributed space-time codes are constructed across multiple relay terminals in an amplify-and-forward mode. Each relay transmits a scaled linear combination of its received symbols and their conjugates,with the scaling factor chosen based on automatic gain control. We consider equal power allocation (EPA) across the relays, as well as the optimal power allocation (OPA) strategy given access to instantaneous channel state information (CSI). For EPA, we derive an upper bound on the pairwise-error-probability (PEP), from which we prove that full diversity is achieved in TWRNs. This result is in contrast to one-way relay networks, in which case a maximum diversity order of only unity can be obtained. When instantaneous CSI is available at the relays, we show that the OPA which minimizes the conditional PEP of the worse link can be cast as a generalized linear fractional program, which can be solved efficiently using the Dinkelback-type procedure.We also prove that, if the sum-power of the relay terminals is constrained, then the OPA will activate at most two relays.

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This paper re-examines the import of Rawls’s theory of justice for private sector institutions in the face of the decline of the welfare state. The argument is based on a Rawlsian conception of justice as the establishment of a basic structure of society that guarantees a fair distribution of primary goods. We propose that the decline of the welfare state witnessed in Western countries over the past forty years prompts a reassessment of the boundaries of the basic structure in order to include additional corporate institutions. A discussion centered on the primary good of self-respect, but extensible to power and prerogatives as well as income and wealth, examines how the legislator should intervene in private sector institutions to counterbalance any unfairness that results from the decline of the welfare state.

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Why are some states more willing to adopt military innovations than others? Why, for example, were the great powers of Europe able to successfully reform their military practices to better adapt to and participate in the so-called military revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries while their most important extra-European competitor, the Ottoman Empire, failed to do so? This puzzle is best explained by two factors: civil-military relations and historical timing. In the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of an institutionally strong and internally cohesive army during the early stages of state formation—in the late fourteenth century—equipped the military with substantial bargaining powers. In contrast, the great powers of Europe drew heavily on private providers of military power during the military revolution and developed similar armies only by the second half of the seventeenth century, limiting the bargaining leverage of European militaries over their rulers. In essence, the Ottoman standing army was able to block reform efforts that it believed challenged its parochial interests. Absent a similar institutional challenge, European rulers initiated military reforms and motivated officers and military entrepreneurs to participate in the ongoing military revolution.