46 resultados para Montana Mining and Milling Company

em CentAUR: Central Archive University of Reading - UK


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Trace elements may present an environmental hazard in the vicinity of mining and smelting activities. However, the factors controlling their distribution and transfer within the soil and vegetation systems are not always well defined. Total concentrations of up to 15,195 mg center dot kg (-1) As, 6,690 mg center dot kg(-1) Cu, 24,820 mg center dot kg(-1) Pb and 9,810 mg center dot kg(-1) Zn in soils, and 62 mg center dot kg(-1) As, 1,765 mg center dot kg(-1) Cu, 280 mg center dot kg(-1) Pb and 3,460 mg center dot kg (-1) Zn in vegetation were measured. However, unusually for smelters and mines of a similar size, the elevated trace element concentrations in soils were found to be restricted to the immediate vicinity of the mines and smelters (maximum 2-3 km). Parent material, prevailing wind direction, and soil physical and chemical characteristics were found to correlate poorly with the restricted trace element distributions in soils. Hypotheses are given for this unusual distribution: (1) the contaminated soils were removed by erosion or (2) mines and smelters released large heavy particles that could not have been transported long distances. Analyses of the accumulation of trace elements in vegetation (median ratios: As 0.06, Cu 0.19, Pb 0.54 and Zn 1.07) and the percentage of total trace elements being DTPA extractable in soils (median percentages: As 0.06%, Cu 15%, Pb 7% and Zn 4%) indicated higher relative trace element mobility in soils with low total concentrations than in soils with elevated concentrations.

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Trace elements may present an environmental hazard in the vicinity of mining and smelting activities. However, the factors controlling trace element distribution in soils around ancient and modem mining and smelting areas are not always clear. Tharsis, Riotinto and Huelva are located in the Iberian Pyrite Belt in SW Spain. Tharsis and Riotinto mines have been exploited since 2500 B.C., with intensive smelting taking place. Huelva, established in 1970 and using the Flash Furnace Outokumpu process, is currently one of the largest smelter in the world. Pyrite and chalcopyrite ore have been intensively smelted for Cu. However, unusually for smelters and mines of a similar size, the elevated trace element concentrations in soils were found to be restricted to the immediate vicinity of the mines and smelters, being found up to a maximum of 2 kin from the mines and smelters at Tharsis, Riotinto and Huelva. Trace element partitioning (over 2/3 of trace elements found in the residual immobile fraction of soils at Tharsis) and soil particles examination by SEM-EDX showed that trace elements were not adsorbed onto soil particles, but were included within the matrix of large trace element-rich Fe silicate slag particles (i.e. 1 min circle divide at least 1 wt.% As, Cu and Zn, and 2 wt.% Pb). Slag particle large size (I mm 0) was found to control the geographically restricted trace element distribution in soils at Tharsis, Riotinto and Huelva, since large heavy particles could not have been transported long distances. Distribution and partitioning indicated that impacts to the environment as a result of mining and smelting should remain minimal in the region. (c) 2006 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Toxic trace elements present an environmental hazard in the vicinity of mining and smelting activities. However. the processes of transfer of these elements to groundwater and to plants are not always clear. Tharsis mine. in the Iberian pyrite belt (SW Spain), has been exploited since 2500 BC, with extensive smelting, taking place front the 1850S until the 1920s. Sixty four soil (mainly topsoils) and vegetation samples were collected in February 2001 and analysed by ICP-AES for 23 elements. Concentrations are 6-6300 mg kg(-1) As and 14-24800 mg kg(-1) Pb in soils, and 0.20-9 mg kg(-1) As and 2-195 mg Pb in vegetation. Trace element concentrations decrease rapidly away from the mine. with As and Pb concentrations in the range 6-1850 mg kg(-1) (median 22 mg kg(-1)) and 14-31 mg, kg(-1) (median 43 mg, kg(-1)), respectively, 1 km away from the mine. These concentrations are low when compared to other well-studied mining and smelting areas (e.g. 600 mg kg(-1) As at 8 km from Yellowknife smelter, Canada; >100 mg kg(-1) Pb over 270 km(2) around the Pb-Zn Port Pirie smelter. South Australia: mean of 1419 mg kg(-1) Pb around Aberystwyth smelter, Wales, UK). The high metal content of the vegetation and the low soil pH (mean pH 4.93) indicate the potential for trace element mobility which Could explain the relatively low concentration of metals in Tharsis topsoils and cause threats to plans to redevelop the Tharsis area as an orange plantation.

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Knowledge-elicitation is a common technique used to produce rules about the operation of a plant from the knowledge that is available from human expertise. Similarly, data-mining is becoming a popular technique to extract rules from the data available from the operation of a plant. In the work reported here knowledge was required to enable the supervisory control of an aluminium hot strip mill by the determination of mill set-points. A method was developed to fuse knowledge-elicitation and data-mining to incorporate the best aspects of each technique, whilst avoiding known problems. Utilisation of the knowledge was through an expert system, which determined schedules of set-points and provided information to human operators. The results show that the method proposed in this paper was effective in producing rules for the on-line control of a complex industrial process.

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This paper provides an account of the changing livelihood dynamics unfolding in diamond-rich territories of rural Liberia. In these areas, many farm families are using the rice harvested on their plots to attract and feed labourers recruited specifically to mine for diamonds. The monies accrued from the sales of all recovered stones are divided evenly between the family and hired hands, an arrangement which, for thousands of people, has proved to be an effective short-term buffer against poverty. A deepened knowledge of these dynamics could be an important step towards facilitating lasting development in Liberia’s highly-impoverished rural areas.

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In recent years, policy mechanisms to support a formalized artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector in sub-Saharan Africa have gained increasing currency. Proponents of formalization argue that most social and environmental problems associated with the sector stem from the fact that ASM is predominantly unregulated and operates outside the legal sphere. This paper critically examines recent efforts to formalize artisanal and small-scale mining inWest Africa, drawing upon recent fieldwork carried out in Sierra Leone, Ghana and Mali. In exploring the sector’s livelihood dimensions, the analysis suggests that bringing unregulated, informal mining activities into the legal domain remains a considerable challenge. The paper concludes by confirming the urgent need to refocus formalization strategies on the main livelihood challenges and constraints of small-scale miners themselves, if poverty is to be alleviated and more benefits are to accrue to depressed communities in mineral-rich regions.

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This article explores the contribution that artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) makes to poverty reduction in Tanzania, based on data on gold and diamond mining in Mwanza Region. The evidence suggests that people working in mining or related services are less likely to be in poverty than those with other occupations. However, the picture is complex; while mining income can help reduce poverty and provide a buffer from livelihood shocks, peoples inability to obtain a formal mineral claim, or to effectively exploit their claims, contributes to insecurity. This is reinforced by a context in which ASM is peripheral to large-scale mining interests, is only gradually being addressed within national poverty reduction policies, and is segregated from district-level planning.

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For its advocates, corporate social responsibility (CSR) represents a powerful tool through which business and particularly multinationals can play a more direct role in global sustainable development. For its critics, however, CSR rarely goes beyond business as usual, and is often a cover for business practices with negative implications for communities and the environment. This paper explores the relationship between CSR and sustainable development in the context of mining in Namibia. Drawing upon extant literatures on the geographies of responsibility, and referencing in-country empirical case-study research, a critical relational lens is applied to consider their interaction both historically and in the present.

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This article examines Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and mining community development, sustainability and viability. These issues are considered focussing on current and former company-owned mining towns in Namibia. Historically company towns have been a feature of mining activity in Namibia. However, the fate of such towns upon mine closure has been and remains controversial. Declining former mining communities and even ghost mining towns can be found across the country. This article draws upon research undertaken in Namibia and considers these issues with reference to three case study communities. This article examines the complexities which surround decision-making about these communities, and the challenges faced in efforts to encourage their sustainability after mining. In this article, mine company engagements through CSR with the development, sustainability and viability of such communities are also critically discussed. The role, responsibilities, and actions of the state in relation to these communities are furthermore reflected upon. Finally, ways forward for these communities are considered.

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The governance of water resources is prominent in both water policy agendas and academic scholarship. Political ecologists have made important advances in reconceptualising the relationship between water and society. Yet, while they have stressed both the scalar dimensions, and the politicised nature, of water governance, analyses of its scalar politics are relatively nascent. In this paper, we consider how the increased demand for water resources by the growing mining industry in Peru reconfigures and rescales water governance. In Peru, the mining industry’s thirst for water draws in, and reshapes, social relations, technologies, institutions and discourses that operate over varying spatial and temporal scales. We develop the concept of waterscape to examine these multiple ways in water is co-produced through mining, and become embedded in changing modes and structures of water governance, often beyond the watershed scale. We argue that an examination of waterscapes avoids the limitations of thinking about water in purely material terms, structuring analysis of water issues according to traditional spatial scales and institutional hierarchies, and taking these scales and structures for granted.

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Since the implementation of Ghana's national Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), policies associated with the programme have been criticized for perpetuating poverty within the country's subsistence economy. This article brings new evidence to bear on the contention that the SAP has both fuelled the uncontrolled growth of informal, poverty-driven artisanal gold mining and further marginalized its impoverished participants. Throughout the adjustment period, it has been a central goal of the government to promote the expansion of large-scale gold mining through foreign investment. Confronted with the challenge of resuscitating a deteriorating gold mining industry, the government introduced a number of tax breaks and policies in an effort to create an attractive investment climate for foreign multinational mining companies. The rapid rise in exploration and excavation activities that has since taken place has displaced thousands of previously-undisturbed subsistence artisanal gold miners. This, along with a laissez faire land concession allocation procedure, has exacerbated conflicts between mining parties. Despite legalizing small-scale mining in 1989, the Ghanaian government continues to implement procedurally complex and bureaucratically unwieldy regulations and policies for artisanal operators which have the effect of favouring the interests of established large-scale miners.

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The P-found protein folding and unfolding simulation repository is designed to allow scientists to perform data mining and other analyses across large, distributed simulation data sets. There are two storage components in P-found: a primary repository of simulation data that is used to populate the second component, and a data warehouse that contains important molecular properties. These properties may be used for data mining studies. Here we demonstrate how grid technologies can support multiple, distributed P-found installations. In particular, we look at two aspects: firstly, how grid data management technologies can be used to access the distributed data warehouses; and secondly, how the grid can be used to transfer analysis programs to the primary repositories — this is an important and challenging aspect of P-found, due to the large data volumes involved and the desire of scientists to maintain control of their own data. The grid technologies we are developing with the P-found system will allow new large data sets of protein folding simulations to be accessed and analysed in novel ways, with significant potential for enabling scientific discovery.