17 resultados para Miners

em CentAUR: Central Archive University of Reading - UK


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This article critically reflects upon the shortcomings of the 'Prestea Action Plan', an ambitious initiative undertaken to facilitate the resettlement of artisanal miners operating in the Western Region of Ghana. The aim of the exercise was to identify viable areas for the thousands of operators who were working illegally in the town of Prestea, an area under concession to the US-based multinational, Golden Star Resources Ltd. At the time of its launch, it was one of the few support initiatives to target artisanal miners, whose claims to land are generally not recognized by governments. It was a particularly significant exercise in Ghana because it suggested that the authorities, who traditionally have exercised a policy of non-negotiation with such groups, had finally recognized that dialogue was needed if the growing rift between the country's indigenous artisanal miners, foreign mining companies and government bodies was to be bridged. It soon emerged, however, that despite its commendable policy objectives, the Plan was fundamentally flawed-problems which would undermine the entire exercise.

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This paper provides an extended analysis of the tensions that have surfaced between large-scale mine operators and artisanal miners in gold-rich areas of rural Tanzania. The literature on grievance is used to contextualise, these disputes, the underlying cause of which is artisanal miners' mounting frustration over not being able to secure viable concessions to work. Newly implemented legislation has, for the most part, empowered foreign large-scale mine operators, while simultaneously disempowering indigenous small-scale miners. In many cases, the former have addressed mounting security and community problems on their own. Until the country's major mine operators extend assistance to marginalised small-scale mining groups, the likelihood of violent conflict unfolding between these parties will increase.

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This paper critically examines the challenges with, and impacts of, adopting the models in place for fair trade agriculture in the artisanal gold mining sector. Over the past two years, an NGO-led 'fair trade gold' movement has surfaced, its crystallization fuelled by a burgeoning body of evidence that points to impoverished artisanal miners in developing countries receiving low payments for their gold, as well as working in hazardous and unsanitary conditions. Proponents of fair trade gold contest that increased interaction between artisanal miners and Western jewellers could facilitate the former receiving fairer prices for gold, accessing support services, and ultimately, improving their quality of life. In the case of sub-Saharan Africa, however, the gold being mined on an artisanal scale does not supply Western retailers as perhaps believed; it is rather an important source of foreign exchange, which host governments employ buyers to collect for their coffers. It is maintained here that if the underlying purpose of fair trade is to improve the livelihoods and well-being of subsistence producers in developing countries, then the models that have proved so successful in alleviating the hardships of agro-producers of 'tropical' commodities such as coffee, tea, bananas and cocoa, should be adapted to artisanal gold mining in sub-Saharan Africa. Campaigns promoting 'fair trade gold' in the region should view host governments, and not Western retailers, as the 'end consumer', and focus on improving governance at the grassroots, organizing informal operators into working cooperatives, and addressing complications with purchasing arrangements - all of which would go a long way toward improving the livelihoods of subsistence artisanal miners. A case study of Noyem, Ghana, the location of a sprawling illegal gold mining community, is presented, which magnifies these challenges further and provides perspective on how they can be overcome. (c) 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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There is consensus worldwide that the artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector is comprised of individuals who are trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty, lacking the necessary financial and technological means to improve their standards of living. Minimal work, however, has been undertaken to identify the very factors behind miners' plight, which inevitably vary from country to country. This paper uses a case study of Ghana to argue that an increased dependence upon mercury for amalgamation In artisanal gold-mining communities is one such-albeit overlooked-"agent of poverty". There is mounting empirical evidence which suggests that dealings with the monoponistic middlemen who supply mercury, purchases of costly medicines to remedy ailments caused by mercury poisoning, and a lack of appropriate safeguards and alternatives to amalgamation, are preventing gold miners from improving their practices and livelihoods. The solution to the problem lies in breaking this cycle of dependency, which can be achieved by providing miners with robust support services, mercury-free technologies and education. (c) 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Root herbivores can have a positive or negative effect on the abundance and/or performance of foliar phytophages. In addition, abiotic factors such as drought can either strengthen or weaken this effect, depending on the system under investigation. One explanation for these varying responses lies in differences in the physiological response of host plants to drought and root herbivores. Here, the impacts of root phytophages on a leaf-mining species feeding on annual and perennial plant species (four Sonchus species) were compared. The responses of plants and leaf-miners to dtought and root herbivore treatments were not related to whether the host plant was an annual or perennial. However, where root feeders did affect foliar phytophage performance, this occurred only under a drought treatment, demonstrating the potential for climatic change to alter the outcome of plant-mediated interactions. (c) 2007 Gessellschaft fur Okologie. Published by Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved.

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We studied the predation behaviour of the "hunter fly" (Coenosia attenuata Stein) in the laboratory and greenhouse. In the laboratory, which was conducted at 25 degrees C at 60-80% RH, with a 16L : 8D photoperiod, we examined the functional response of this species to three different pests, namely the sciarid fly (Bradysia sp.), the tobacco whitefly (Bemisia tabaci) and the leaf miner Liriomyza trifolii. In the greenhouse, we studied the population dynamics of the predator and its prey on pepper and water melon crops grown in southern Spain. Adult hunter flies were found to exhibit a type I functional response to adult sciarid flies and whiteflies, but a type II response to adult leaf miners. The type II response was a result of the greater difficulty in capturing and handling leaf miners compared to the other two species. The dynamics of the predator-prey interaction in the greenhouse revealed that the predator specializes mainly on adult sciarids and that the presence of the other prey can be supplemental, but is never essential for survival of the predator; this, however, is crop-dependent. The results oil the dynamics of the predator-prey systems were obtained through a known population dynamics model with modifications.

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We previously reported that soluble decay-accelerating factor (DAF) and coxsackievirus-adenovirus receptor (CAR) blocked coxsackievirus 133 (CVB3) myocarditis in mice, but only soluble CAR blocked CVB3-mediated pancreatitis. Here, we report that the in vitro mechanisms of viral inhibition by these soluble receptors also differ. Soluble DAF inhibited virus infection through the formation of reversible complexes with CVB3, while binding of soluble CAR to CVB induced the formation of altered (A) particles with a resultant irreversible loss of infectivity. A-particle formation was characterized by loss of VP4 from the virions and required incubation of CVB3-CAR complexes at 37 degrees C. Dimeric soluble DAF (DAF-Fc) was found to be 125-fold-more effective at inhibiting CVB3 than monomeric DAF, which corresponded to a 100-fold increase in binding affinity as determined by surface plasmon resonance analysis. Soluble CAR and soluble dimeric CAR (CAR-Fc) bound to CVB3 with 5,000- and 10,000-fold-higher affinities than the equivalent forms of DAF. While DAF-Fc was 125-fold-more effective at inhibiting virus than monomeric DAF, complement regulation by DAF-Fc was decreased 4 fold. Therefore, while the virus binding was a cooperative event, complement regulation was hindered by the molecular orientation of DAF-Fc, indicating that the regions responsible for complement regulation and virus binding do not completely overlap. Relative contributions of CVB binding affinity, receptor binding footprint on the virus capsid, and induction of capsid conformation alterations for the ability of cellular DAF and CAR to act as receptors are discussed.

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The paper describes a method whereby the distribution of fatigue damage along riser tensioner ropes is calculated, taking account of heave motion, set tension, system geometry, tidal range and rope specification. From these data the distribution of damage along the rope is calculated for a given time period using a Miner’s summation method. This information can then be used to help the operator decide on the length of rope to ‘slip and cut’ whereby a length from the end of the rope is removed and the rope moved through the system from a storage drum such that sections of rope that have already suffered significant fatigue damage are not moved to positions where there is another peak in the distribution. There are two main advantages to be gained by using the fatigue damage model. The first is that it shows the amount of fatigue damage accumulating at different points along the rope, enabling the most highly damaged section to be removed well before failure. The second is that it makes for greater efficiency, as damage can be spread more evenly along the rope over time, avoiding the need to scrap long sections of undamaged rope.

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This paper offers an alternative viewpoint on why people choose to engage in artisanal mining – the low tech mineral extraction and processing of mainly precious metals and stones – for extended periods in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing upon experiences from Akwatia, Ghana’s epicentre of diamond production since the mid-1920s, the analysis challenges the commonly-held view that the region’s people are drawn to artisanal mining solely because of a desire ‘to get rich quick’. A combination of events, including the recent closure of Ghana Consolidated Diamonds Ltd’s industrial-scale operation and decreased foreign investment in the country’s diamond industry over concerns of it potentially harbouring ‘conflict’ stones from neighbouring Coˆte D’Ivoire, has had a debilitating economic impact on Akwatia. In an attempt to alleviate their hardships, many of the town’s so-called ‘lifetime’ diamond miners have managed to secure employment in neighbouring artisanal gold mining camps. But their decision has been condemned by many of the country’s policymakers and traditional leaders, who see it solely as a move to secure ‘fast money’. It is argued here, however, that these people pursue work in surrounding artisanal gold mining communities mainly because of poverty, and that their decision has more to do with a desire to immerse in activities with which they are familiar, that offer stable employment and consistent salaries, and provide immediate debt relief. Misdiagnosis of cases such as Akwatia underscores how unfamiliar policymakers and donors are with the dynamics of ASM in sub-Saharan Africa.

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In recent years, policy mechanisms to support a formalized artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector in sub-Saharan Africa have gained increasing currency. Proponents of formalization argue that most social and environmental problems associated with the sector stem from the fact that ASM is predominantly unregulated and operates outside the legal sphere. This paper critically examines recent efforts to formalize artisanal and small-scale mining inWest Africa, drawing upon recent fieldwork carried out in Sierra Leone, Ghana and Mali. In exploring the sector’s livelihood dimensions, the analysis suggests that bringing unregulated, informal mining activities into the legal domain remains a considerable challenge. The paper concludes by confirming the urgent need to refocus formalization strategies on the main livelihood challenges and constraints of small-scale miners themselves, if poverty is to be alleviated and more benefits are to accrue to depressed communities in mineral-rich regions.

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Since the implementation of Ghana's national Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), policies associated with the programme have been criticized for perpetuating poverty within the country's subsistence economy. This article brings new evidence to bear on the contention that the SAP has both fuelled the uncontrolled growth of informal, poverty-driven artisanal gold mining and further marginalized its impoverished participants. Throughout the adjustment period, it has been a central goal of the government to promote the expansion of large-scale gold mining through foreign investment. Confronted with the challenge of resuscitating a deteriorating gold mining industry, the government introduced a number of tax breaks and policies in an effort to create an attractive investment climate for foreign multinational mining companies. The rapid rise in exploration and excavation activities that has since taken place has displaced thousands of previously-undisturbed subsistence artisanal gold miners. This, along with a laissez faire land concession allocation procedure, has exacerbated conflicts between mining parties. Despite legalizing small-scale mining in 1989, the Ghanaian government continues to implement procedurally complex and bureaucratically unwieldy regulations and policies for artisanal operators which have the effect of favouring the interests of established large-scale miners.

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This article discusses the character of mineral resource governance at the margins of the state in Tanzania and the way artisanal gold miners are incorporated into mineral sector transformation. The landscape of mineral resource exploitation has changed dramatically over the past 20 years: processes of economic liberalisation have heralded massive foreign investment in large-scale gold mining, while also stimulating artisanal activities. Against this background, the article shows how artisanal gold miners are affected by contradictory processes: some have become integrated with state institutions and legal processes, while others, the large majority, are either further excluded or incorporated in ways that exacerbate insecurity and exploitation, underpinned by socio-economic inequalities. These processes are compounded by the actions of large-scale and medium-scale gold mining companies and by poor local governance. It is open to debate whether this will bring improved integration and welfare for artisanal mining communities or new forms of exclusion, although evidence suggests the latter.

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Analyses of neo-liberal change in African mining tend to frame discussion through the lens of an overarching structural perspective. Far less attention has been paid to the way change is enacted within social relations in mining communities. To this end, our chapter considers how development in the Tanzanian mineral sector transforms people’s relationships and stimulates new iterations of power and agency within local trajectories of development, focusing on the case of artisanal gold mining in Mgusu village in Geita region, Tanzania. The aim is to trace how neo-liberal change configures market rationality and property relations in ways that can fundamentally alter social relationships within the local community, occupational groups and families, raising both opportunities for wealth accumulation and the potential to entrench poverty. The creative action involved in these processes generates new associational ties and repertoires of practice, as miners’ respond to change and the need to protect their livelihoods.

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Artisanal miners have tended to be portrayed in the literature and media as people who work hard and play hard, not infrequently depicted as ‘rough diamonds’ likely to cross the boundaries of appropriate behaviour through pursuit of wealth and flamboyant living, often at the cost of local environmental damage. A popular alternative image is that of marginalised labourers, driven by poverty to toil in harsh conditions and pursuing mining livelihoods in the face of national governments and large-scale mining companies’ subversion of their land and mineral rights. Both views reflect partial realities, but are inclined to exaggerate the position of miners as mischief-making rogues or victims. Through documentation of the multi-faceted nature of Tanzanian artisanal miners’ work and home lives during the country’s on-going economic mineralisation, we endeavour to convey a balanced rendering of their aspirations, occupational identity and social ties. Our emphasis is on their working lives as artisans, how they organise themselves and contend with the risks of their occupation, including their engagement with government policy and large-scale mining interests.