Diaspora return of transnational migrants to Trinidad and Tobago: the additional contributions of social remittances

Current enthusiasm among development stakeholders for the enticement and recruitment ‘back home’ of skilled Diaspora migrants has predominantly revolved around how human capital gains and transfers of capital, knowledge, technical skills and workplace entrepreneurialism and innovation can be facilitated. In this article, we widen the conceptual basis of this dimension of the migration–development nexus, by bringing the additional contributions of the social remittances that return migrants offer, and practice, into the mix. As evidence, the article examines how and why a sample of ‘middling’1 Trinidadian transnational professionals engage in social development activities and why experiences vary widely on their return. Their views are appraised through the verbal optic of their narratives, which they shared with us during in-depth interviews. Several among these Diaspora returnees appear to be agents for the diffusion and infusion of social capital and non-monetary, social remittances in the homeland to which they have returned in mid-life and mid-career. Others are disappointed, or frustrated, and have their hopes dashed, leading to thoughts of re-migration, or re-return. Despite such difficulties, we find that family belonging and national pride strengthens many of these return migrants’ development potential through their deeply felt commitments to local ‘capacity-building’.

‘I can’t … I won’t?’ International students at the threshold of social interaction

This mixed-method study tracked social interaction and adaptation among 20 international postgraduates on a 1-year programme in the UK, examining assumptions that language proficiency and interactional engagement directly underpin sociocultural adaptation. Participants remained frustrated by a perceived ‘threshold’ barring successful interaction with English speakers, while reporting reluctance to take up available opportunities, independent of language proficiency and sociocultural adaptation. We challenge linear models of adaptation and call for assistance to international students in crossing the threshold to successful interaction.

Ovid, Remedia amoris 95: uerba dat omnis amor

Anagrams and syllabic wordplay of the kind championed by Frederick Ahl in his Metaformations have not always been favourably received by scholars of Latin poetry; I would hesitate to propose the following instance, were it not for the fact that its occurrence seems peculiarly apposite to the context in which it appears. That Roman poets were prepared to use such techniques to enhance the presentation of an argument by exemplifying its operation at a verbal level is demonstrated by the famous passage of Lucretius (DRN 1.907–14; also 1.891–2) in which the poet seeks to illustrate the tendency of semina … ardoris to create fire in wood by the literal presence of elements from the word for ‘fires’ (IGNes) in that denoting wood (lIGNum). A similar conception may underlie the association insinuated by the love elegists between amor and mors, suggesting that death is somehow ‘written into’ love: so Propertius declares laus in amore mori (2.1.47), while Tibullus appears to point to the lurking presence of death in the pursuit of love in the lines interea, dum fata sinunt, iungamus amores: | iam ueniet tenebris Mors adoperta caput (1.1.69–70) – so swift and unexpected is death's approach that it is already present in aMOReS in the preceding line. Ovid's awareness of the poetic potential of this kind of play (if that is the right word for it) is fully exhibited in his celebrated account of Echo and Narcissus in Metamorphoses 3, where the subject matter gives the poet ample scope to exploit the humorous and pathetic possibilities afforded by Echo's fragmented repetitions of the frustrated entreaties of her beloved.