124 resultados para Civic identity

em CentAUR: Central Archive University of Reading - UK


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This article examines the ways in which the BNP utilises the elements of British national identity in its discourse and argues that, during Griffin's leadership, the party has made a discursive choice to shift the emphasis from an ethnic to a civic narrative. We put forward two hypotheses, 1: the modernisation of the discourse of extreme right parties in the British context is likely to be related to the adoption of a predominantly civic narrative and 2: in the context of British party competition the BNP is likely to converge towards UKIP, drawing upon elements of its perceived winning formula, i.e. a predominantly civic rhetoric of national identity. We proceed to empirically test our hypotheses by conducting a twofold comparison. First, we compare the BNP's discourse pre- and post-1999 showing the BNP's progressive adoption of a civic narrative; and second the BNP's post-1999 discourse to that of UKIP in order to illustrate their similarities in terms of civic values.

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This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values, and more specifically the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful SVP to the more mixed BNP, FN and NPD, we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism which expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.

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Nationalism and multiculturalism are often perceived as polar opposites with the former viewed as the disease and the latter the cure. Contrary to this view, this article argues that a strong national identity, albeit of a particular kind, is prerequisite to a stable and functioning multicultural society. The article seeks to identify both the causes and the implications of the absence of an overarching, civic national identity in Britain, further to the goal of seeking a meaningful solution. It is our contention that the problem lies in the difficulty involved in reconciling current pressures on British identity with a coherent narrative of British history, especially its imperial past.

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In this article we focus on the dual identities of relatively young Trinidadians who have decided to return to the island of their birth, or of their parents, while still in their thirties and forties. Highly-educated professional transnational migrants mostly make tip our sample of 36; 26 possess dual citizenship. We focus on our informants' narratives about their transnational experiences, self-appraisals of their dual identities and how they value dual citizenship. More generally, we ask does transnationalism supplant nationalism among our returning informants? Unsurprisingly, the diverse responses we document do not support the commonly held explanatory relationship between return adaptations, 'national belonging' and the expected dominance of 'transnational belonging'. Family, relations intervene significantly, both to encourage transnationalism and to strengthen nationalism. Feelings of notional belonging often accompany transnationalism. Notably, we view dual citizenship strategically and pragmatically as advantageous to the continuation of transnational practices.

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Analysis of a set of bones redeposited in a medieval abbey graveyard showed that the individual had been beheaded and chopped up, and this in turn suggested one of England's more gruesome I execution practices. Since quartering was generally reserved for the infamous, the author attempts to track down the victim and proposes him to be Hugh Despenser, the lover of King Edward II.

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In England 78% of mothers initiate breastfeeding and in the UK less than 1% exclusively breastfeed until 6 months, despite WHO recommendations to do so. This study investigated women’s infant feeding choices using in-depth interviews with 12 mothers of infants aged 7-18 weeks. Using content analysis, four themes emerged: (1) Information, Knowledge and Decision Making, (2) Physical Capability, (3) Family and Social Influences, (4) Lifestyle, Independence and Self-Identity. Whilst women were aware of the ‘Breast is Best’ message, some expressed distrust in this information if they had not been breastfed themselves. Women felt their own infant feeding choice was influenced by the perceived norm amongst family and friends. Women described how breastfeeding hindered their ability to retain their self-identities beyond motherhood as it limited their independence. Several second-time mothers felt they lacked support from health professionals when breastfeeding their second baby, even if they had previously encountered breastfeeding difficulties. The study indicates that experience of breastfeeding, and belief in the health benefits associated with it are important factors for initiation of breastfeeding, whilst decreased independence and self-identity may influence duration of breastfeeding. Intervention and support schemes should tackle all mothers, not just first-time mothers.