Potential anti-obesogenic properties of non-digestible carbohydrates: specific focus on resistant dextrin

Alterations in the composition and metabolic activity of the gut microbiota appear to contribute to the development of obesity and associated metabolic diseases. However, the extent of this relationship remains unknown. Modulating the gut microbiota with non-digestible carbohydrates (NDC) may exert anti-obesogenic effects through various metabolic pathways including changes to appetite regulation, glucose and lipid metabolism and inflammation. The NDC vary in physicochemical structure and this may govern their physical properties and fermentation by specific gut bacterial populations. Much research in this area has focused on established prebiotics, especially fructans (i.e. inulin and fructo-oligosaccharides); however, there is increasing interest in the metabolic effects of other NDC, such as resistant dextrin. Data presented in this review provide evidence from mechanistic and intervention studies that certain fermentable NDC, including resistant dextrin, are able to modulate the gut microbiota and may alter metabolic process associated with obesity, including appetite regulation, energy and lipid metabolism and inflammation. To confirm these effects and elucidate the responsible mechanisms, further well-controlled human intervention studies are required to investigate the impact of NDC on the composition and function of the gut microbiota and at the same time determine concomitant effects on host metabolism and physiology.

Bargaining over strategies of non-cooperative games

We propose a bargaining process supergame over the strategies to play in a non-cooperative game. The agreement reached by players at the end of the bargaining process is the strategy profile that they will play in the original non-cooperative game. We analyze the subgame perfect equilibria of this supergame, and its implications on the original game. We discuss existence, uniqueness, and efficiency of the agreement reachable through this bargaining process. We illustrate the consequences of applying such a process to several common two-player non-cooperative games: the Prisoner’s Dilemma, the Hawk-Dove Game, the Trust Game, and the Ultimatum Game. In each of them, the proposed bargaining process gives rise to Pareto-efficient agreements that are typically different from the Nash equilibrium of the original games.

On the possibility of non-fat frying using molten glucose

Fried products impose a health concerns due to considerable amount of oil they contain. Production of snack foods with minimal oil content and good management of oil during frying to minimise the production of toxic compounds continue to be challenging aims. This paper aims to investigate the possibility of producing a fat-free food snack by replacing frying oil with a non-fat medium. Glucose was melted and its temperature was then brought to 185°C and used to fry potato strips, to obtain a product referred here as glucose fries. The resulting product was compared with French fries prepared conventionally under conditions that resulted in similar final moisture content. The resulting products were also examined for crust formation, texture parameters, colour development and glucose content. Stereo microscope images showed that similar crusts were formed in the glucose fries and French fries. Texture parameters were found to be similar for both products at 5mm and 2 mm penetration depth. The maximum hardness at 2mm penetration depth was also similar for both products, but different from cooked potato. The colour development which characterised French fries was also observed in glucose fries. The glucose content in glucose fries was found to be twice the content of French fries, which is to be expected since glucose absorbed or adhered to the surface. In conclusion, glucose fries, with similar texture and colour characteristics to that of French fries, can be prepared by using a non-fat frying medium.

The tragedy of non-ideal theory

This paper has three aims. First, it argues that the present use of ‘ideal theory’ is unhelpful, and that an earlier and apparently more natural use focusing on perfection would be preferable. Second, it has tried to show that revision of the use of the term would better expose two distinctive normative issues, and illustrated that claim by showing how some contributors to debates about ideal theory have gone wrong partly through not distinguishing them. Third, in exposing those two distinct normative issues, it has revealed a particular way in which ideal theory even under the more specific, revisionary definition will often be central to working out what to do in non-ideal circumstances. By clarifying the terms on which debates over ideal and non-ideal theory should take place, and highlighting the particular problems each deals with, it tries to clear the ground for turning to the actual problem, which is what to do in our non-ideal and often tragic circumstances.

Regulating non-international armed conflicts: a review essay of 'The Law of Non-International Armed Conflict' by Sandesh Sivakumaran

This review essay engages with Sandesh Sivakumaran’s book The Law of Non-International Armed Conflict, exploring its significance both in international humanitarian law and international law more generally.

Civilian casualties – do we really care? The failure of the revolution in military affairs of non-lethal weapons in the U.S., Russia and Israel

Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.